Alhaji Oshoala, the father of Super Falcons of Nigeria and FC Barcelona forward, Asisat Oshoala, has revealed that he tried to stop her from being a footballer because he wanted her to get a formal education.

Mr Oshoala said he didn’t see a bright future in the sport for his daughter, who has gone on to become the most successful Nigerian footballer in terms of club and individual honours.

“We didn’t see a bright future for her in football, and I planned to make sure all my children attained a high level of education and do better than us parents,” he told the BBC.

Despite her father’s resistance to her desire to become a footballer, Asisat Oshoala pushed on until she landed her first professional contract at a Nigerian local Women’s club, Robo, in 2009.

From there, Asisat joined Rivers United in 2013, where she won the 2014 Nigerian Women’s Championship. From there, she ventured into mainstream Europe when she joined Liverpool in 2015.

About a year after, she joined Arsenal in 2016 but couldn’t establish herself as she had to fly to China, where she joined Dalian Quanjian in 2017.

It was in China that the 28-year-old Nigerian forward fully unleashed her football potential to the extent that FC Barcelona noticed how good she is and signed her first on loan in 2019 and then permanently a few months after.

Since 2019, Asisat Oshoala has won three Primera División, two UEFA Women’s Champions League, three Supercopa de España Femenina, and three Copa de la Reina.

Asisat, who made her international debut in 2013, has helped the Super Falcons of Nigeria to win three African Women’s Championships, and she has won five African Women’s Footballer of the Year awards for herself, amongst other individual honours.

Asisat Oshoala is currently leading the Super Falcons of Nigeria in the 2023 Women’s World Cup in New Zealand and Australia, where she has scored a goal in three games to become the first African woman to score in three different World Cup editions.

Also, Asisat is the first and only African woman player to be nominated for the prestigious Ballon d’Or.

When she scored against the 2023 Women’s World Cup co-hosts Australia to help Nigeria win 3-2 in a group stage game, Asisat Oshoala celebrated so wildly that she had to remove her jersey, a celebration that sparked mixed reactions across Nigeria.

She even came on social media to tell the world that her father was not happy with her for such a celebration and some concerned Nigerians used social media to apologize to her father on her behalf.

While reacting to the incident via the BBC, Asisat Oshoala’s Father said, “It was an outpouring of emotions and it was not intentional. I am proud of my daughter”.

Asisat Oshoala is expected to step up for the Super Falcons of Nigeria at 8:30 a.m. on Monday, August 7, when the Nigerian team faces the Lionesses of England in the round of 16 stage of the 2023 Women’s World Cup at Suncorp Stadium in Milton, Australia.

Nigeria have won the 2023 FIBA Women’s Afrobasket Championship, making it a record fourth title in a row.

Nigeria’s female basketball team, D’Tigress defeated the 11-time African champions 84-74 to claim their sixth championship at the BK Arena in Kigali, Rwanda on Saturday

Nigeria are now the second African side, after Senegal, to have won the championship four consecutive times.

The victory means that D’Tigress will now compete for a spot at the women’s basketball event of the 2024 Olympics.

D’Tigress quickly established their dominance with a nine-point lead at the end of the first quarter.

The Senegalese kept it close in the second quarter with a 24-21 margin for D’Tigress extending their lead to 12 going to the halftime break.

Coming out for the second half, Senegal played with more urgency and were able to take the third quarter 26-19 reducing the deficit to five.

The fourth quarter was back and forth between the two best teams of the tournament as Senegal continued to close the gap but D’Tigress took it to win the game by 10 points.

The Lionesses have now lost to the D’Tigress in four Afrosbasket finals (2005, 2017, 2019, and 2023).

For newly appointed D’Tigress Head Coach, Wakama became the first woman to lead a team to the Afrobasket title.

Nigeria’s Amy Okonkwo who finished the final with 23 points, 10 rebounds, and 2 assists, was named the Most Valuable Player of the final.

See photos from the championship below.

Over the last two days my Whatsssap has been flooded and telephone inundated with an overwhelming number of vexatious, malevolent, irritating and nauseating video clips of Nigerien, Burkinabe and Malian soldiers marching and chanting war songs against our great country Nigeria whilst being applauded and egged on by ecstatic French-speaking crowds who are reigning curses on our beloved homeland and our President and burning our flag.

Surely even the most unpatriotic Nigerians find it hard to stomach this impudent affront from a bunch of wild and excitable protesters that are little better than slavish monkeys, camel jockeys and desert rats.

Yet let me try to be civil in this piece and contain my rage.

I am glad to take note of the fact that one of our most highly respected former Heads of State, General Abdulsalami Abubakar and one of our most reverred traditional rulers and Royal Fathers, His Eminence, Sultan Sa'ad Abubakar, the Sultan of Sokoto, have been asked by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and ECOWAS to act as peace envoys to our troubled neighbour Niger Republic, in an attempt to bring an end to the impasse that has been brought about by the removal from power and abduction of their democratically-elected President and the imposition of military rule.

I have little doubt this noble initiative will result in a peaceful resolution of the crisis and this is clearly the hope and aspiration of millions of Nigerians, particularly from the North, who have strong ethnic, religious, historical, cultural and family ties with the Niger Republic.

Yet despite our overriding desire and overwhelming preference for peace and given the unprecedented sabre-rattling that we have heard and threats we have received from two of our other neighbours in the West African sub-region, namely Burkina Faso and Mali, the following needs to be stated.

Before provoking our nation into armed conflict and threatening us with war our traducers should know the following.

We are a peace-loving people who are kind, compassionate, hard-working and accommodating.

We do not seek conflict or war with our neighbours and neither do we relish in violence or bloodshed but if it is forced upon us we shall not shy away from it.

That is the Nigerian way: we never throw the first punch but we always throw the last.

Our traducers should also consider the following.

The size of the economy and GDP of all the countries in Africa ruled by military dictators PUT TOGETHER, including Mali, Burkina Faso, Chad, Sudan, Guinea and Niger Republic are nowhere near that of Lagos state ALONE.

Again in terms of IGR (internally generated revenue) Lagos state ALONE can comfortably fit them in her pocket ALL PUT TOGETHER without feeling it or batting an eyelid.

They forget that Lagos is just one of 36 states in our country and that the population of our entire nation, which is close to 220 million, is almost double ALL OF THEIRS PUT TOGETHER.

When you threaten great Nigeria with war please bear these things in mind and remember that historically we are the country that, by sending in our troops, delivered and liberated Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guniea Bissau and Chad from civil war, fratricidal butchery, coup d'etat's and mayhem.

Again we are the country that sent massive amounts of resources, material support and treasure to Angola, Mozambique and Namibia during their bitter struggles, civil wars and wars against colonial and neo-colonial oppression.

Finally we are the country that, together with Libya and Cuba funded the Mandela-led ANC of South Africa, the Mugabe-led ZANU of Zimbabwe and the Nkomo-led ZAPU of Zimbabwe respectively in their bloody armed struggle and brutal guerrila war against the white Boer supremacists and their apartheid Governments in their respective countries.

These are just some of the things that Nigeria has achieved in the past and, if properly led, organised and restored, can and will do all over again.

Our traducers also forget that we are the only country on the African continent that fought a brutal civil war in which over 3 million people were killed and not only managed to survive it but also chose to remain together as one.

They forget that we are a country that have almost singlehandedly confronted and contained the two most deadly terrorist organisations and armies in the world, ISWAP and Boko Haram, and a separatist movement known as IPOB with its own fledgling terrorist army known as the ESN and yet we still stand undeterred and strong.

Such is the courage, strength, resilience, fighting spirit, foresight, fortitude and sense of patriotism of the Nigerian.

Before you threaten us with war think twice, study our history and learn about who we are and what we are capable of doing.

As Shakespeare wrote, "wake not our sleeping sword lightly" and know that we are "slow to anger but irresistable in battle".

This is my candid advice to the young, wild, brash and obviously naive young turks and military dictators of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger Republic.

Great Nigeria will never bow or yield.

Be warned and run to the peace table. A word is enough for the wise.

In a recent development, tech giant Google has issued a cautionary alert to its users regarding its upcoming action to delete dormant accounts. The move comes as part of Google’s commitment to enhancing security measures and mitigating potential risks associated with abandoned accounts.

According to the company’s new policy, Google will begin deleting inactive accounts starting December 2023. An inactive account is one that hasn’t been accessed or logged into for a continuous period of two years. To ensure transparency and user awareness, Google plans to send multiple notifications to users whose accounts meet the criteria for deletion. These notifications will provide ample opportunity for users to log in and thereby prevent their accounts from being deleted.

The decision to enact such measures stems from the cybersecurity concerns associated with dormant accounts. Abandoned accounts pose a significant risk as they are less likely to have advanced security features, such as two-factor authentication, enabled. This makes them susceptible to unauthorized access by malicious actors. Once compromised, these inactive accounts can be exploited to gain unauthorized entry into other accounts, distribute malware, or engage in other forms of cyber threats.

To safeguard their accounts, users are advised to log in at least once every two years, thus keeping their accounts active. Additionally, enabling two-factor authentication is recommended as an effective way to bolster account security and thwart unauthorized access attempts.

Google has also extended this policy to unclaimed accounts of deceased users. Immediate family members and authorized representatives now have the option to close the account of a deceased individual. In certain circumstances, content from a deceased user’s account may be shared with these authorized parties.

As a preemptive measure, Google offers an ‘Inactive Account Manager’ feature that allows users to specify the course of action for their account and data in the event of inactivity for up to 18 months. To activate this feature, users can visit their Inactive Account Manager page and initiate the setup process.

Google’s initiative to delete inactive accounts underscores its dedication to user security and data privacy. By implementing these measures, the tech giant aims to create a safer online environment for its vast user base. As the December 2023 deadline approaches, users are strongly encouraged to proactively engage with their accounts and adopt security measures to prevent unintended account deletion and potential security breaches.

Source: Metro UK

Regional mediation efforts to reverse the coup in Niger and restore its democracy collapsed as soon as they started. Tensions have escalated as the Sunday deadline nears for possible military intervention by other West African countries.

On Friday, the region's defense chiefs finalized a plan to use force against the Niger junta — needing approval by their political leaders — if Mohamed Bazoum is not reinstated as Niger’s president. A delegation of the bloc known as ECOWAS had gone to Niger but could not meet with the coup leader, Gen. Abdourahmane Tchiani, who later declared that any aggression against Niger "will see an immediate response and without warning.”

What started as an overthrow of the president by his closest commanders in the Presidential Guard has received the support of some other soldiers, including the Nigerien army command.

Here's what to expect:

ECOWAS INTERVENTION

This would be the first time in years that ECOWAS would try to forcefully put down a coup in West Africa, which has seen several successful coups since 2020.

“The events of the last two days make it more likely that this (military) intervention may actually happen,” said Nathaniel Powell, Africa analyst at the Oxford Analytica geopolitical intelligence firm. “And if they offer resistance to an ECOWAS intervention, this can turn out to be really catastrophic.”

ECOWAS would be doing so as a split family, with three other regimes — Mali and Burkina Faso, which border Niger, and Guinea — choosing to side with the junta.

On Saturday, Nigeria’s Senate advised the nation’s president, the current ECOWAS chair, to further explore options other than the use of force to restore democracy in Niger, noting the “existing cordial relationship between Nigeriens and Nigerians.” Final decisions by ECOWAS, however, are taken by a consensus among its member countries.

Niger's other neighbors include Chad, whose leader has tried to mediate between the coup plotters and ECOWAS, and Algeria and Libya, which are not members of the bloc. This leaves any military intervention through land largely restricted to Nigeria’s 1,600-km (1,000-mile) border with Niger.

MILITARY STRATEGY

It's not clear what the strategy of military intervention in land-locked Niger would look like, but the country enjoys some territorial advantage. With Bazoum being held in the capital, Niamey, the focus will start there.

With a population of 25 million, Niger is West Africa’s second-largest country in terms of landmass, spanning over 1.26 million square kilometers (486,000 square miles) — a hundred times that of Gambia, where ECOWAS last intervened militarily in 2017.

On the frontline of efforts to reverse the coup in Niger is its longtime ally Nigeria, which has West Africa’s largest military strength of 223,000 personnel — 22 times that of Niger’s 10,000, according to World Bank Open Data, and four times that of Burkina Faso, Mali, Guinea and Niger combined.

In Niger, some believe the military intervention might involve airstrikes. But with Bazoum still in detention, he could be both a bargaining tool and a shield for the junta.

An intervention force coming overland from Nigeria would have to cross a mostly unoccupied area that hosts more than 200,000 refugees who have fled violence in northern Nigeria.

Niger's international airport in Niamey is just 12 kilometers (7 miles) from the presidential palace where Bazoum is being held, which could make it more difficult to be overtaken. The country has two other international airports, including one in Agadez, where the U.S. military operates a drone base.

CONCERNS FOR THE WORLD

The latest military takeover amid a resurgence of coups in West Africa has been particularly concerning for the West, which saw Niger as its last remaining strategic partner in its counterterrorism fight in the Sahel. Niger also matters to the global market on various fronts, including its 5% share of the global supply of uranium.

Nnamdi Obasi, a senior adviser with the International Crisis Group, warned that a military intervention “could also deteriorate into a conflict by proxy between forces outside Africa, between those supporting the restoration of democracy and those supporting the junta, which has taken a strong anti-Western stance.”

On one side are Niger’s longtime strategic allies the United States and France. On the other are Russia and its private military contractor, Wagner, which have been hailed as allies by the military regimes of Mali and Burkina Faso.

CONSEQUENCES IN NIGER

There are fears that any battle in the event of a military intervention by ECOWAS will not be limited to Niger's capital.

“I fear the junta would gladly use its own people as cannon fodder or human shields, and ECOWAS militaries don’t have a good record when it comes to avoiding collateral damage,” said James Barnett, a researcher specializing in West Africa at Hudson Institute.

Even the best-case scenario from such an intervention would leave ECOWAS troops stationed in the country as anti-coup forces for what could be a lengthy period. That doesn't look good for democracy, both for the country and the region, said Powell with Oxford Analytica.

“That would make Bazoum look like he is only a president because of foreign armies, and that is going to destroy his legitimacy.”

CHALLENGES FOR NIGERIA

Nigeria leading the ECOWAS intervention in Niger could face challenges on the homefront, where its military has struggled with overstretched, outgunned and outnumbered personnel, fighting armed groups that have killed thousands in the past year across the northern and central regions.

“Nigerian military has internal problems in Nigeria,” said Bello Tangaza, a resident of Tangaza in northern Sokoto state. “They have bandits, they have Boko Haram — but they have failed to tackle these problems and they want to jump to Niger.”

A military intervention led by Nigeria could shift attention from the armed groups that sometimes enter the country through the porous border with Niger. Four people were abducted by gunmen on Wednesday in Tangaza district, and residents fear the situation won't improve anytime soon if the military turns its attention to Niger.

Last Wednesday, the world was greeted with the news of a military takeover in Niger. Expectedly, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) sanctioned and suspended Niger from the bloc. The grouping went further and threatened a military intervention if President Mohamed Bazoum is not reinstated within a week. Similarly, the United States (US), France, and the European Union (EU) wasted no time in condemning the coup. The reaction to the coup from within and outside the region is strongest compared to other recent coups, and the reasons are not far-fetched. Niger is a cornerstone of the Sahel Strategies of the US, France, and the European Union. Exports of uranium from Niger are vital for French and European nuclear energy operations. So, it came as no surprise when France also threatened action against the Junta if they harm “French interests” in the country. While there is precedent for ECOWAS threat and use of military intervention, the equation changed when in solidarity with Niger, Burkina Faso and Mali released a joint statement condemning the possibility of military intervention, stating plainly that “all military intervention against Niger will be considered equivalent to a declaration of war against Burkina Faso and Mali”. This game-changing declaration means the use of force against the putschists in Niger would push West Africa into a conventional war, one that will quickly become a new flashpoint in great power competition with devasting consequences for the region.

Just as in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Guinea, the reasons Junta in Niger cited for their actions included chronic insecurity, poor economic conditions, and misrule.

Russia, France, and the wave of populist coups

The overthrow of President Mohamed Bazoum was the sixth successful coup in West Africa since 2020. General Abdourahamane Tiani who headed the presidential guard was later declared as head of state. On the surface, these coups are ambitious power grabs by disgruntled officers interrupting Africa’s democratisation process. Just as in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Guinea, the reasons Junta in Niger cited for their actions included chronic insecurity, poor economic conditions, and misrule. These reasons are not without merit. Maybe except for Guinea, there is a strong anti–neocolonial sentiment held by both citizens and the populations of these countries.

Niger is one of the poorest countries in the world, and like Mali and Burkina Faso, is consistently at the bottom of the Human Development Index. Citizens of these countries blame neocolonial economic policies and structures for their economic woes, while experts blame the chronic underdevelopment in this region for the security challenges such as terrorism, human trafficking, and other security problems. According to the World Bank, Niger has been faced with an influx of displaced persons from Nigeria and Mali, and as of 2022, there were almost 295,000 refugees with roughly 350,000 displaced persons overall in the country. As of 2021, studies suggest that over 41.8 percent of Niger’s population is living in extreme poverty, and while there was a GDP growth of 1.4 percent in 2021, projections show that new economic programs are expected to boost GDP per-capita by 15 percent in the next year. Furthermore, irrigation programmes and a good rainy season increased agricultural production by 27 percent, a big boost considering agriculture alone accounts for 40 percent of the country’s GDP.

Niger has been faced with an influx of displaced persons from Nigeria and Mali, and as of 2022, there were almost 295,000 refugees with roughly 350,000 displaced persons overall in the country.

France has led regional security efforts for most of the last decade. Aside from setting up the G5-Sahel Force, Paris deployed over 5,000 troops under Operation Barkhane, the UN’s MINUSMA had a 15,000-troop presence while the EU had special forces deployed under Operation Takuba. Under these security programmes, terrorism and violence in the region only increased. When Ibrahim Traore ceased power in Burkina Faso in September 2022, 40 percent of the country’s territory had come under the control of jihadists leading France and its European allies to lose credibility as security providers in the region.

UN and French-led security programs have often failed with mainstream media often downplaying this while simultaneously exaggerating Russia’s growing influence in the region. While there is evidence of Russian actors exploiting anti-western sentiments, these exist because of poor governance, foreign meddling, and developmental challenges. Military cooperation between Mali and France has also deteriorated since the coup. In April last year, Mali expelled French troops ending Operation Barkhane after nine years of operations. In January 2023, Burkina Faso ended a 2018 military agreement with France and demanded the expulsion of French forces operating in the country. In both instances, the expulsion of French forces was celebrated by citizens who are often seen waving Russian flags alongside their own national flags.

UN and French-led security programs have often failed with mainstream media often downplaying this while simultaneously exaggerating Russia’s growing influence in the region.

The coups in Mali and Burkina Faso saw Niger becoming one of the main partners of France, the US, and the EU in the region. French and EU personnel were redeployed from Mali and Burkina Faso to Niger, which is also home to a French base and at least two US airbases making it the main platform for France, AFRICOM, and the EU operations in the region. This is a security arrangement that the recent coup is going to disrupt. The Junta has revoked two military cooperation agreements with France, one dating back to 1977 and the second was signed in 2020. Niger holds more importance to France and Europe beyond security in West Africa. For perspective, over 50 percent of Nigerien uranium ore goes to France’s nuclear energy system, and 24 percent of uranium imports to the EU come from Niger. With the threat of a military leadership pivoting from France, Paris and Western allies are sure to deliberate action and support any means to restore Bazoum, thereby securing their access to key energy resources for Europe.

ECOWAS mulls intervention

While plans of intervention are been discussed by ECOWAS officials in Abuja, Nigeria, a delegation of officials arrived in Niamey on 3 August as part of mediation efforts. However, the delegation did not spend the night as planned, nor did it meet with coup leader Abdourahamane Tiani or deposed President Mohamed Bazoum; a sign that talks did not go as planned. On that same Thursday, Senegal confirmed its troops will join any ECOWAS intervention in Niger. While the Niger’s Junta said; “any aggression or attempted aggression against the Niger will see an immediate and unannounced response from the Niger Defence and Security Forces on one of (the bloc’s) members, with the exception of suspended friendly countries.”

An ECOWAS military intervention is the worst thing that could take place in the region considering the existing security conditions. While Nigeria may contribute the highest number of troops to an ECOWAS military outfit, the country is not in a condition to conduct a war involving multiple countries. Furthermore, mass displacement and high mortality and migration will surely follow. With numerous internal challenges, economic, developmental, and humanitarian, facing the Sahel region, triggering a conflict between weak and fragile states amounts to self-destruction.

A better approach is for ECOWAS to enact deeper sanctions while doubling down on a diplomatic solution. In addition to the termination of existing financial aid packages, Niger could be on the receiving end of heavier sanctions that could be targeted towards financial ecosystems, transport, or other critical economic sectors. ECOWAS countries have enormous leverage vis-à-vis Niger. For Instance, Nigeria supplies 70 percent of Niger’s electricity, and taken together Senegal and Cote Ivoire supply 40 percent of Niger’s refined petroleum. Commitments will also be tested under a sanctions-heavy environment. However, it is important to factor in the will of the Nigerien people, some of whom have expressed vocal support for the junta.

With numerous internal challenges, economic, developmental, and humanitarian, facing the Sahel region, triggering a conflict between weak and fragile states amounts to self-destruction.

In all, the coup in Niger is one coup too many for the region, but with regional security and geopolitical dynamics, it important to access the rationale of an ECOWAS military intervention. On a wider geopolitical front, multipolarity and elements of alignment and non-alignment are emerging faster than ever, and traditional relations are being tested, terminated, or renegotiated. The so-called great power competition is in full swing and African countries are moving away from being passive, occupying a proactive role whether or not it follows an ‘established decorum’.

One week after the coup, the Junta is making attempts to consolidate its grip on power. It has announced the reopening of borders with five neighbours, appointed new governors to the countries five regions, and says the country is on a transition towards democracy. However, no timelines were given. This should be seen from a pragmatists lens as well considering the plausibility of an outright economic collapse. With these developments, it must be noted that military conflict will only affect vulnerable populations and further destabilise the region. An outcome that Africans do not wish for.

The wind blows in all directions, hurling dusty air into Ibrahim Ngaroua’s eyes and nostrils. He frequently blows his nose to get rid of the grit.

Seated under a neem tree to shelter from the searing heat of the sun in northern Cameroon, the former Boko Haram hostage recounts the distressing story of his capture by and escape from members of the terrorist organisation.

Gathered to hear him are students from the Yaoundé-based Heritage Higher Institute of Peace and Development Studies (HHIPDS), on a field trip to the Zamai camp for internally displaced people in the Far North region of Cameroon to hear witness accounts of the conflict.

"Hundreds of Boko Haram attackers struck our village in 2017," Ngaroua recalls, as his fellow survivors listen and nod.

"They took almost everybody in the village to their camp in Nigeria," he says.

Boko Haram started attacks in Nigeria in 2009, but its murderous campaign soon spread to the neighbouring countries of Cameroon, Niger and Chad. The insurgents began their raids in Cameroon in 2014.

As of July this year, over 3,000 Cameroonians have been killed, according to the International Crisis Group. Another 250,000 have been displaced.

When Ngaroua, a 45-year old father of 12 and husband to six wives, recounts his four-year stay in the hands of his captors, the pain is palpable.

He says the women were separated from the men and everybody was forced to read the Koran.

"You couldn’t say no, because that would attract heavy punishment. Anyone who did something wrong was taken to the public square and flogged to serve as a lesson to others," he said.

Women abused

Ngaroua was a frequent witness to these public flogging sessions, and when pressed, he points to scars on his back and blisters on his soles.

"They were so painful that they made me cry," he says.

The women, he says, were compelled to wear burqas.

"They sewed burqas for the women so that they were covered from head to toe – only their eyes were visible," he says.

He adds that while the men were required to carry out all the chores – fetching water, gathering wood and doing farm work – the women weren’t allowed to go out.

They stayed at home, and many of them were used as sex slaves.

'I just want to die'

Such accounts have been verified by local development organisation ADELPA.

The NGO quotes one anonymous victim as saying: "After having fled Boko Haram, we came here for refuge. We saw how armed men entered our village at night. They set our houses on fires and we started to run.

"All of a sudden, they captured us, tortured us and threatened to kill us. We were repeatedly raped by several men," the victim said.

"Nowadays, I just want to die. I feel like a walking cadaver. I have been rejected by my husband and by my family. I am already dead on the inside, and society looks at me differently since this has happened. I wanted to kill myself, but I told myself to pass this horrible story on to someone."

She told ADELPA she hopes speaking out can help prevent this kind of atrocity from happening again – "so that nobody after me will have to live with this kind of shame, ever again".

Child victims

Child marriages were also common.

Aminatou, a 17-year-old survivor, was married off to a Boko Haram fighter.

"I had barely turned 13 when I was forced to marry one of the fighters," she recalls.

Asked how her so-called husband treated her, Aminatou simply shook her head.

"It was a hard life," she said. "Every night was a night of painful rape. I couldn’t say no, because the subsequent beating was merciless.

"I lost my virginity in a rather ruthless manner," she told RFI.

Escaping Boko Haram

Ngaroua recalls how his family made their escape in 2021. The military raided the camp and everybody, including the Boko Haram fighters, ran in different directions.

"Either you ran along with Boko Haram, or you ran towards the military. Either way, you could be killed," he told RFI.

"My family and I took our chance with the military," he said, a faint smile sweeping his face.

"Sometimes if the military figured out that you were not armed, they let you go and that is how we were able to escape," he said.

First he and his family returned to their home in Zeleved in Cameroon’s Far North region, but they found it deserted.

"It was like a ghost village: there was no one left," Ngaroua recalls. He says he then reached out to the authorities who relocated them, along with 600 others, to the Zamai camp.

"We feel safe here," he says, "but it’s so painful to be living on the charity of others."

[rfi]

Former National Deputy Chairman (South-West) of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Chief Olabode George, has written an open letter to President Bola Tinubu, warning the Nigerian leader against the planned invasion of Niger Republic by armies drawn from the West African sub-region.

The regional bloc has been mulling a military intervention as part of measures to restore democracy in the West African country following a coup that removed President Mohammed Bazoum last week, but George, a retired general, says Tinubu who is the Chairman of ECOWAS, should not drag Nigeria into a war.

In the letter dated Friday, August 4, George raised several reasons why the President should not consider a military intervention in Niger:

“Dear President Bola Tinubu,

“I write to you as a Nigerian, a retired General in the Nigerian military, a patriot and a war tactician.

“On July 26, 2023, the Commander of the Presidential Guard in Niger Republic, General Abdourahamane Tchiani, overthrew President Mohamed Bazoum, seized power and is now the new strongman of the Nigerien Armed Forces.

“As the leader of ECOWAS, you immediately invited other West African leaders and an ultimatum was given to Tchiani that Bazoum must be reinstated or else, a strong military force (just like ECOMOG in Liberia and Sierra Leone) will invade Niger Republic and forcefully reinstate him.

“The population of Niger Republic is 27,294,785 (just like Lagos State). Niamey is the capital and the population is 1,437,000 (not up to Alimosho Council in Lagos) and as the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria who gets security briefings everyday since you were sworn in on May 29, 2023, you may have been told that even a Brigade of the Nigerian Army, commanded by a Colonel, can crush the soldiers in Niger Republic.

“Now, my observations:

“First of all, you have done the right thing by sending a delegation consisting of former Head of State, General Abdulsalami Abubakar (rtd), and Sultan of Sokoto, Muhammad Saad Abubakar, a retired Brigadier-General, to meet the Military High Command in Niger.

“It is okay to send a delegation. Diplomacy is always a better option to war. To jaw jaw is better than war war.

“But, I believe, it would have been better if the full Nigerian colouration was reflected in that delegation.

“Some diplomats (serving or retired) should have been included in the delegation. Diplomats are trained for a situation like this. What is happening in Niger right now is not only for the military.

“Number two, when you have a crisis within, you solve that first before going international with a ‘Big Brother’ posture.

“In your last national broadcast, you even admitted that Nigerians are going through a lot and everything is being done to alleviate their suffering.

“In Nigeria today, there is no food, no financial power to buy fuel, no light, no money. Nigerians are psychologically stranded and people are really going through a lot. So, I don’t know what our going to Niger Republic with full military power will achieve.

“If you remember, Nigeria, almost singularly, financed ECOMOG military operations and that was when our economy was better. Which economy are we going to use now to finance a full military operation in Niger Republic, when Mali and Burkina Faso have threatened to take sides with Niger Republic?

“Will this not lead to the collapse of ECOWAS? Do we really know the type of partisan game Western powers, on one hand, Russia and China, on another hand, and some other African countries, are playing behind the scene? Can we really trust any one of them?

“Should Nigeria’s interest not play a major role before taking any decision of this gargantuan dimension which can lead to loss of lives and destruction of properties?

“I saw a video of some Nigeriens, on a road show, backing Tchiani and abusing you. That may have been arranged by the coupists quite alright but do we need that type of distraction now when everything is being done to ensure that Nigeria moves its economy to the next level?

“Do we know the involvement of Russians because of the Uranium in Niger? In Nigeria, the electoral process is yet to be concluded, the palliatives you promised because of the removal of fuel subsidy payment are still in the air, so why do we want to send our soldiers to engage in a needless war?

“In ECOMOG, Nigeria paid for almost everything. But the economy then was different from what we have now.

“We all know that Nigeriens, directly or indirectly, are fighting the French because of Assimilation Policy which has affected the Francophone speaking countries, unlike what we have in English speaking countries, like Nigeria.

“We should think twice before entering another country militarily. Don’t start what you cannot finish.

“Niger is one of the largest (land border) countries in the world and also one of the poorest. What exactly do we gain if we go to war in Niger? What? So that people can praise us as a defender of democracy? When people are dying at home, do we need that type of commendation from anybody?

“I am a retired General. So, I know that war is not easy. Please, don’t force Nigerians to engage in an endless war.

“Despite its mineral wealth, Niger Republic has been held down by its leadership for decades. More than 75 per cent of Nigeriens are poor and uneducated. At the right time, if they don’t want Tchiani, they will get rid of him. Let Nigeriens deal with their rot and let us focus on how to save our own situation back home.

“I am sure you know that seven Northern states – Kebbi, Sokoto, Zamfara, Katsina, Jigawa, Yobe and Borno – share a 1,608 kilometres long border with five regions in Niger Republic. In case of any war, residents of these states will be direct targets of bullets and missiles. This can also lead to a resurgence of criminal activities in the border areas.

“Also, some countries, such as Algeria, Libya, Chad, Benin, Burkina Faso and Mali share borders with Niger Republic. Can we trust these countries to support us militarily and otherwise in case of a war with Niger Republic?

“In all of these, we should ask ourselves, why did we finance a rail line to Maradi during the President Muhammadu Buhari administration?

“Russia invaded Ukraine over a year ago. Thousands of people – soldiers and civilians – have been killed, billions of dollars worth of properties have been destroyed and there is still no end in sight.

“In International Relations and Politics, you protect your national interest first. Burkina Faso and Mali openly declared that they would support Niger. Can we also trust Chad which has been under military rule since April 2021? Are we sure this move to invade Niger Republic will not affect ECOWAS?

“Is this the right time to spend the money Nigeria doesn’t have to fight in another country?Politically, economically, socially, we are still in a quagmire. Then you want to add the fourth one: Warfare.

“Anybody who has been in the military will tell you war is not an easy thing. We must be careful.

“Thank God you have started the diplomatic move. Let the envoys continue the diplomatic discussion in Niger. War is not a tea party,” he concluded.

[ripplesnigeria]

The Ag Comptroller General of Customs, Adewale Adeniyi, has shut the Nigeria- Niger Republic border at Illela, Sokoto state.

Seven northern Nigeria states, including Kebbi, Sokoto, Zamfara, Katsina Jigawa, Yobe and Borno share a 1,608 kilometres long border with five regions in the Niger Republic

This action is in furtherance to the directive of President Bola Tinubu over the rec  Ilela Border, Sokoto state, to implement the directive of President Bola Tinubu, against the military junta in the Niger Republic.

According to the Nigerian Television Authority (NTA), on Twitter, the acting Customs CG performed the shutting himself

It read, “The Ag Comptroller General of Nigeria Customs Service Bashir Adewale Adeniyi arrived at the Illela border in Sokoto State to reinforce the Presidential directives on Border closure due to the coup in Niger Republic.

“There is also a working visit to border stations in the country.”

LEADERSHIP reports that the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is sanctioning Niger Republic after presidential guards toppled Mohamed Bazoum and announced Abdrahmane Tchiani as the new president.

Due to the coup,  the West African regional body ordered the freezing of all Niger Republic enterprises and parastatals in commercial banks in all ECOWAS member states.

“Closure of land and air borders between ECOWAS and Niger. Institution of ECOWAS no flight zone to all commercial flights to and fro Niger. Suspension of all commercial and financial transactions between ECOWAS member states and Niger.

“Freeze all service transactions including energy transactions. Freeze assets of Niger Republic in all ECOWAS Central banks. Freeze all Niger State and the state enterprises and parastatals in commercial banks.

“Suspension of Niger from all financial assistance and transactions with all financial institutions. Impose travel bans on the military officials and their families involved in the coup attempt including anyone who accepts to take a position in the military government.”

[Leadership]

One of the interesting stories in the Bible is that of Moses and the people of Israel. According to Deuteronomy 32:52, God told Moses that he would see the land of promise but never be part of it. “For you shall see the land opposite you from a distance, but you shall not go there, into the land which I am giving to the children of Israel.”

This rings true for some Nigerian politicians who saw the glorious moment ahead, got prepared for it, but as the saying: “Man proposes, God disposes”, none of them enjoyed the moment. Call if fate, destiny, misfortune and you may be right. In this piece, we will highlight some politicians in this category.

MARYAM SHETTY

Maryam Shettima, popularly known as Maryam Shetty, was among the second batch of President Bola Tinubu’s ministerial nominees.

A national leader of the All Progressives Congress (APC) support group, she graduated from Bayero University, Kano, where she studied Physiotherapy. She also has an MSc in Sports Physiotherapy from the University of East London.

Outrage trailed her nomination as some persons, especially on Facebook where she has over 240,000 followers, accused her appointment as being a result of her relationship with some prominent members in the government.

Days after the outrage, the president replaced her with Dr Mairiya Mahmud from Kano. The nominee had arrived at the National Assembly for what she thought was going to be her screening. Accompanied by some associates, the dropped nominee drove into the National Assembly Complex in a black SUV. She later left the parliament apparently disappointed.

MUKHTAR SHEHU IDRIS

Idris, APC gubernatorial candidate of the APC in Zamfara State in 2019. He had polled 67.41% of the total popular votes to defeat Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)’s Bello Matawalle who got 23.89% of the total votes.

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) had declared  him winner of the exercise and plans were in top gear for the D-day when the Supreme Court nullified the elections of all the candidates of the APC in the polls.

The five-man panel led by the Acting Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Tanko Muhammad, the apex court declared the first runners-up in the 2019 general elections in the state as the winners of all the posts earlier declared to have been won by the APC and its candidates.

The apex court, in its verdict, upheld the judgment of the Sokoto Division of the Court of Appeal to the effect that the APC did not conduct any valid primary election and as such had no candidates for any of the elections in the state.

The court said the votes polled by the APC candidates in the elections were wasted, adding that the party and the candidates with the second highest votes and the spread in the various elections were the valid winners.

With the judgment, the APC lost the governorship, national and state Assemblies elections conducted in Zamfara State to the opposition PDP.

DAVID LYON

In February 2020, the Supreme court sacked David Lyon less than 24 hours before his inauguration as governor of Bayelsa state. Lyon, candidate of the APC, was declared winner of the governorship election in the state in November 2019.

A panel of justices led by Mary Odili asked the INEC to withdraw the certificate of return issued to Lyon and to re-issue another to the candidate with the second highest number of votes.

The decision of the apex court was in affirmation of the verdict of a federal high court disqualifying Biobarakuma Degi-Eremienyo, Lyon’s running mate, for submitting forged credentials to INEC.

The supreme court held that the action of Degi-Eremienyo affected Lyon because both men ran on a joint ticket.

ABUBAKAR AUDU

In 2015, Abubakar Audu of the APC was leading then incumbent governor, Idris Wada of the PDP, by 41,353 votes. There was celebration in the APC camp as it was clear that Audu was coasting to victory, but while the results of the election were being collated, news filtered in that Audu had died. This created confusion and plunged the APC into crisis.

INEC, however, declared the election inconclusive as possible votes from the 91 canceled polling units (49,953) is higher than the margin between the two leading candidates.

Audu would have emerged winner after elections were held in the 91 polling units as the PDP candidate would have needed 100 per cent turnout and about all the votes for his party to emerge victor.

Eventually,  Yahaya Bello was selected as his replacement was sworn in the next year.

BASHIR SHERRIF MACHINA

Machina won unopposed during the APC senatorial primary in Yobe North in May 2022. Ex-Senate President Ahmad Lawan, who had been representing the constituency in the upper legislative chamber since 2003, had missed the primary because he was involved in the race for the ruling party’s presidential ticket.

Machina was reportedly asked to step down for Lawan but he insisted that he was the rightful candidate.

Amid the controversy, the APC submitted the senate president’s name to INEC as the candidate for Yobe North. The electoral commission subsequently refused to list any candidate for the district, citing the Electoral Act that a candidate could not contest primaries for different offices.

Machina had instituted a suit asking the court to declare him as the authentic senatorial candidate.

In September 2022, a federal high court in Damaturu, the Yobe capital, ordered the APC and INEC to recognise Machina as the candidate.

A month later, an Abuja court of appeal affirmed Machina’s election as the candidate of the APC for the Yobe north senatorial district.

Still not satisfied, the APC appealed the appellate court’s judgment.

The supreme court eventually affirmed Lawan as the ruling party’s senatorial candidate for district, fetching him not just the ticket but also the seat as Yobe is an APC stronghold. Had Machina won the battle with Lawan, he probably would have made it to the senate, where his opponent in the primary now represents the constituency.