Does President Bola Tinubu have the right, and duty, to make appointments; in the exercise of his powers as president? The answer is yes! Is it his prerogative to determine whom to give what position in government, to the extent that he deems such a person qualified to hold the position? The answer is yes! Is he also duty bound to respect some stipulated provisions for such appointments, given the religious and ethnic plurality of the nation? Again, the answer is yes!

We must also ask whether individuals, and groups, who are dissatisfied with his appointments free, and even duty-bound, to raise observations, complaints and objections. It would still be a resounding “yes”! Are such persons best advised to be guided in their reaction by the constitution, political practice and a sense of history. I wager that the answer is a still yes.

Now the conversation begins

Our people say that someone who is used to being the first to pick from a pack, or pile, of goodies because of his privileged access to whoever is in charge of the picking order will be the first to cry “abomination” if one day he finds himself forced to queue up like everyone else. Our people also say that the presumed rights of someone who, without any justification other than the fact that he is used to having his way, only exist because of sustained abuse and leadership misconduct. And abuse, once condoned without let or hindrance for a long time becomes the norm; despite the laws, traditions and ways of a people. This is summarized by another Igbo proverb which says that when an abomination is allowed to subsist for years, it becomes tradition.

Against the background of the foregoing, let it be said for the record that Bola Tinubu is very far from remotely approximating the dreadful, insensitive and totally ill-advised and extremely exclusivist orientation of former president Muhammadu Buhari in federal appointments. Buhari’s favoured Katsina State, the Fulani and the core North in that order. While it lasted some fair-minded Fulani, and northerners in general, spoke out with displeasure and dismay. They were aghast and scandalized at a trajectory that would not strengthen national cohesion or leave the North in good standing in national political consciousness.

The Buhari tradition of unconscionable myopia subsisted in every sense of the word, to the extent that his main achievement in, and out of, office was to draw sometimes undeserved opprobrium upon his brothers and sisters from the Northern part of the country.  But everyone saw the North as “enjoying” under Buhari, in the sense that the notion of inequity was not seen as a matter strongly protested against by that part of the country.

It is against the background of the forgoing that the cries of marginalization of the North by Tinubu stands within the context of a nation still in search of its true soul. Yes, the North came out for him. But remember that in 2015 Buhari thanked specific northern states, and the north in general, for a victory everyone else saw delivered mainly by Tinubu and the South West.

So, let me re-invite our attention to the observation, in the second paragraph of this article, thus: we must react to our current situation bearing in mind not just the constitution, but also “political practice” and a sense of history. The constitution has been routinely violated since the dawn of this democracy; with Buhari’s tenure as an unparalleled anomaly in our national history. The political practice has been for our leaders to do as they pleased. Now that the North seems to be, or claims to be on the receiving end, it is screaming that Armageddon is here. Yes, it may be for the North.

See what was said about the South East under Buhari on this page on October 25, 2019, under the title “As the South East Mourns”.

“South Eastern Nigeria lies prostrate and without dignity today. It has been thus for a long time now. Enveloped by an incubus of snarling befuddlement, the region has become a metaphor for how to exist (without really living) in a federation of supposedly equal partners. It twists and turn piteously in subdued pain. There is an unvoiced gnashing of teeth and a bitter forbearance. Denuded, ridiculed, swindled and roundly scandalised on all fronts by an elaborate pretense at nationhood that has been to its detriment for far too long, South East Nigeria is at best a metaphor for nominal and fraudulent citizenship. Its gifted, energetic and bold youths are forced to scavenge around the fringes of morality and legality.

That is because they have found themselves in a system that excludes them from what their peers and supposed fellow citizens take as a matter of course; and regard as their entitlement. There is, for people of the South East, an unnamed fear here and a semi-uncertain confusion there. There is also a semi-real trembling yonder. Anon, it is as if there is always some creeping, inexplicable, yet ever-present, but clearly unhealthy, quivering of political and economic nerves.

But, being a people resolved not to dissolve under inclement currents and the unrelenting assaults of a merciless state that seems determined to annihilate them, Ndigbo remain resilient in the face of inhuman political and economic odds. But does the rest of the Nigerian federation really know, and to its fullest measure, that thralldom and misery have taken permanent residence in the entire South East? Put differently, does anyone really care what people of that region feel, or do not feel, about everything going on around them – and sometimes in their name? I think not. And that is because everyone has been living with a badly treated South East since after the civil war in 1970. It has become normal to reckon without the people in every way….

It is a matter of fact, and record, that the South East region has remained sidelined in federal developmental projects for decades. The region lacks relevance in the siting of impactful institutions and major drivers of our economic environment. It is mocked by the wretched profile of its most visible political actors. Its sons and daughters in national public positions mostly live to survive their tenures. They sneak off to some recondite and narrow existence, or to their villages, once out of office. Not so for their peers, contemporaries and supposed equals from other parts of the country.

Look around you calmly and you must conclude that there is really nothing happening in the South East to warrant serious national human, economic or political traffic in that direction. It boasts the most dilapidated federal roads in the nation. It is the least considered in the new epidemic of rail projects springing up all over the nation. The second Bridge over the Onitsha end of the Niger was on the cards for decades. It became a metaphor for what should have happened immediately after the civil war, but which did not happen.

When, finally, approval was given for the Bridge to be built under the PDP government of yore, it turned out to be a Build Operate and Transfer (BOT) arrangement. In other words, the bridge was approved to be built by whoever was willing, able and available to put down his money for it. Yes, the builder will fund the project and then later recover the money by putting up toll gates on both ends of the new bridge. It is those using the bridge that would pay for the cost of building it; and it was not to be handed over to the government to be used free of cost, until the number of years stipulated as adequate for the builder to recover his cost, along with the accruing profit. And, mind you, there was no case of national bankruptcy; or a dearth of projects of even higher net value being executed all over the nation at the time.

But the bridge was still not built. Had it been built as initially planned, it would most probably have been the only spot in the federation where toll gates were erected so that users of a public, land transport facility like a bridge would pay for using it. And this was at a time the federal government banned and dismantled all toll gates in the country. It does not matter now, as observed earlier, that projects of higher value have been, and are still being, built all over the federation at government expense. Only the South East must moan, groan and bleed through the nose for a bridge that should have been constructed over 40 years ago.

Work finally commenced on the bridge, thanks to the Buhari government. The euphoria of this “breakthrough” exposed the myopia and infantilism of South East political leadership. An elite that clamoured, and still clamours, for an inland port in Onitsha is blind to the fact that this new bridge has been deployed as undertaker for the port project. What type of ship will pass under it? With what type of cargo, if any? …. To be fair, there is enough head room for, crabs, swimmers, speedboats and rafts. For good measure, it may even endure a flat-bottomed steamer ferrying sand around the now-dry banks. But that would be all.”

Yes, the South East has been in mourning since before, during and after the civil war. The North, on the other hand, has been mourning over the underdevelopment of its human capital, before its situation was roundly compounded by Boko Haram and Banditry. The worst of it all, since the dawn of the Nigerian State, came under President Buhari. His legacy is an economically decimated North, wherein the elite cannot travel on the roads or go home without being hunted by bandits and kidnappers; and where also the hapless masses cannot harvest farm produce, sleep in peace or lead normal lives.

Just as the South east still stands out as the most politically diminished of all regions in the Federal Republic of Nigeria, through “deliberate government gymnastics and the political illiteracy of its own ruling elite”, the North is mourning because of its un-strategic engagement while Buhari held sway. How Tinubu will eventually resolve all of the forgoing remains to be seen – as the North mourns.

The storm over the legitimacy of the credential President Bola Tinubu submitted to INEC has managed to rope in former Vice President Atiku Abubakar who instigated it in the first place. But available facts show that neither of them presented forged documents to INEC.

 I go where the facts lead me. That means I could say the opposite of what I said earlier in light of new facts, a reason I advisedly used the expression “the best obtainable version of the truth” in last week’s column.  I am not invested in any perspective. Tinubu is an unrelieved catastrophe as a president, but I'll defend the facts even if they favor him.

Here are 7 facts I've found so far after reading and rereading all the facts related to this issue:

1. Tinubu attended and graduated from Chicago State University in 1979, was issued a diploma (or a certificate, to use the expression that’s familiar to Nigerians), which he collected (I erred when I thought the registrar said he didn't; See number 3). Apparently, he lost the original diploma in 1979 and was issued a "replacement diploma dated 27 June 1979," according to the BBC.

2. In the 1990s, he applied for and got a replacement diploma from CSU. Ostensibly, because it looks different from his 1979 diploma (since diplomas bear the signatures of the current president and look like the diplomas issued that year), he got a note from the CSU registrar in 1999 affirming that he indeed graduated from the school in 1979. 

3. He lost the original copy of the 1990s replacement diploma (but has a photocopy of it) and, in the 2000s, applied for yet another replacement diploma, which the university issued, but which he didn't collect. I mistook the registrar's reference to this bit during the deposition as him saying that Tinubu did not collecting his 1979 diploma. My apologies.

4. In 2022, Tinubu submitted a photocopy of the 1990s replacement diploma, along with the 1999 "To Whom It May Concern" note from the CSU Registrar, to INEC as the academic credential that qualifies him to run for president.

5. Opposition politicians saw it and said it wasn't similar to diplomas CSU issued in 1979. So, they said it's fake.

6. BBC's Disinformation Team fact-checked the claim and found that it's not fake. It appears fake only because it was reissued in 1998 and the university's logo at the bottom of the diploma was chopped off during photocopying. The BBC says every other detail in the diploma is similar to the diplomas CSU issued or reissued in 1998.

7. The registrar disavowed the photocopied INEC diploma during deposition because of the absence of the logo of the university at the bottom of the diploma, but even he hinted that it "was possibly 'cut off' when it was photocopied." So, it was actually a conditional disavowal.

The Foundation for Investigative Journalism (FIJ) attempted to impeach the credibility of the BBC fact check but failed.

The FIJ said, "Of particular interest was the expression, ‘with honors’, which appeared on the certificate Tinubu submitted to INEC. The presence of ‘with honours’ in Tinubu’s certificate is a tautology because the certificate goes on to read, 'with all the rights, honours, and privileges partaining therto'.[sic]. None of the 1990s samples provided by CSU showed those words underneath the course of study, and this suggests that Tinubu’s certificate, which was supposedly obtained within the same timeframe, did not emanate from the school."

That's a problematic claim. "With all the rights, honors, and privileges pertaining thereto" is a fixed phrase that appears on all diplomas irrespective of their class. The addition of "with honors" isn't a duplication because graduating with honors is an academic distinction that only a limited pool of students achieve, and some U.S. universities include it in diplomas in addition to the fixed phrase that appears on all diplomas. 

In any case, Tinubu’s uncollected 2000s replacement diploma that the registrar showed during the deposition has both the fixed phrase AND “with honors.”

Similarly, the claim that the samples of replacement diplomas issued in the 1990s don't have "with honors" is a weak argument because CSU only showed uncollected diplomas in its records, not a representative sample of every type and class of diplomas earned or re-issued that year. It could well be that the uncollected diplomas in CSU's records didn't achieve the distinction that entitles them to have "with honors" affixed to them. 

Typically, only between 20% and 30% of students graduate with honors in U.S. colleges and universities (except for Ivy League universities that have higher percentages), so it's not a given that the uncollected diplomas in CSU's records will be among the 20% to 30%.

FIJ also said, "Two, whoever created the controversial certificate in Tinubu’s possession copied the template of the 2000s without paying attention to timeframe variations. This is clear in one of the signatures on Tinubu’s certificate. The signature on the right is that of Zaldwaynaka “Z, the current President of CSU, who took office in 2018. A president who took office in 2018 could not have signed a certificate supposedly released in the 1990s."

This claim seems made up because there is no "Zaldwaynaka Z" in the diploma Tinubu submitted to INEC. The photocopied CSU diploma Tinubu submitted to INEC and the samples of CSU diploma replacements from the 1990s are exactly the same except for the missing logo in Tinubu’s copy as a result of photocopying.

The registrar's disavowal of the diploma doesn't invalidate its authenticity because he merely said the photocopy that was shown to him didn't look like diplomas from CSU because of the missing logo. People who have an emotional investment in the idea that Tinubu "forged" a diploma that he validly earned (which is ridiculously excessive legal literalism to begin with) leave out that context and make it seem as if the registrar's words are an inviolable article of faith and not a conditional, context-dependent response to a specific question about a specific photocopied document that doesn't reflect all the features of diplomas CSU issued in 1998 BECAUSE of photocopying.

This issue has demonstrated to me in starkly dramatic terms how partisan blinders can distort people's perception of reality. When people so badly want something to be true, but it turns out to be untrue, they choose to hang on to the most absurd apophenic hallucinations (i.e., seeing predetermined patterns from a chaos of unrelated phenomena) they can invoke to validate their preconceptions. I've studied and taught this phenomenon for years but had never seen it manifest on a mass scale like this.

The only new thing that will change the conversation is a foolproof revelation that Tinubu didn't meet graduation requirements and was issued a fraudulent transcript that said he did—after the fact—by dodgy university officials. That would establish the legal basis for forgery. Given what I am now reading about the school, I won’t be shocked if this happens. So, I think the answer to the puzzle isn't on the surface; it's beneath the surface. Only deep investigation can unearth it.

Finally, the CSU registrar never said, “forgery is a Nigerian thing.” Tinubu sent his lawyer to get copies of his academic records from CSU and requested that the school certify the documents before sending them to him.

 Atiku's lawyer asked if CSU had ever certified documents it sent out, and the registrar said, "No, I believe this was made because it is more of a Nigerian thing." So, the "Nigerian thing" he referred to was certifying school records for legal purposes, not forgery.

Atiku’s School Certificate

Tinubu’s minions, in their bid to get even with Atiku, dredged up Atiku’s post-secondary school appellative change and are attempting to pass it off as evidence of school certificate forgery against him. But here are the facts.

Atiku was known as Sadiq (or Siddiq—it doesn’t matter in Muslim northern Nigeria because “Sadiq” and “Siddiq” and all other spelling variants are interchangeable) Abubakar. He was named after Abu Bakr, Islam’s first caliph whom the prophet of Islam nicknamed as "al-Siddiq," which means “the righteous.” So, in Muslim northern Nigeria, every Abubakar (our domestication of Abu Bakr) is a Siddiq and vice versa—just like every Umar is a Farooq and vice versa.

People have asked why Atiku was tautonymous, that is, having the same first and last name— if Siddiq and Abubakar are the same. Well, in the early days of education in Northern Nigeria, people concealed their father’s names in schools to protect them from abuse from classmates. Some used toponyms (i.e., names of places) as their family names (Aminu Kano, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Ahmadu Rabah—before he changed to Bello—are prominent examples). 

A few, however, chose the tautonymous route. Among them is former president Muhammadu Buhari. He was named after prolific ninth-century Hadith compiler Muhammad al-Bukhari who was a native of the city of Bukhara in what is now Uzbekistan. Bukhari simply means native of the city of Bukhara. But in northern Nigeria every Buhari is a Muhammad. So, Muhammadu Buhari is effectively a tautonym. 

Atiku probably also initially chose the tautonymous route. I don’t know how he came about the name Atiku, but it is the Nigerian domestication of the Arabic name Atiq, which means “ancient.” Some people say it means “freed.” Bangladeshis bear it as Atiqur and Arabs bear it as Atiqullah.

More than anything, though, he swore an affidavit in real time to legalize this change of name. The same can’t be said for Bola Tinubu whom we’ve learned was initially known as Lamidi Amoda Sangodele.

While most eyes are on Chicago Wahala, I thought I should focus on Nyesom Ezenwo Wike. President Bola Tinubu’s most famous ministerial appointee has long been impossible to ignore.

As soon as he became Governor of Rivers, the sometimes turbulent and always complex premier state in the oil-producing Niger Delta region – on May 29, 2015 – a ubiquitous media superstar was born.

In the eight years and five months that have elapsed since then, he has been constantly mentioned in various print/online publications and TV/radio programmes, partly because he spends vast sums on publicity and partly because he is extremely newsworthy anyway.

Extremely newsworthy

Garrulous, witty, irascible, flamboyant, boastful, hedonistic, bold, brave, combative and clever, he’s a larger-than-life lawyer, sharp-suited swaggering showman, imperious bruiser and highly effective operator who attracts contempt and admiration in equal measures.

His enemies describe him in unflattering terms, including as one who specialises in buying influence.

His fans describe him as a straightforward, streetwise, no-nonsense strongman who bestrides his unruly domain like a colossus, quite rightly rules it with a rod of iron, only does drastic U-turns when evil adversaries are about to destroy him and doesn’t need to assassinate his opponents because he can easily outsmart them tactically.

Whether one loves Wike, loathes Wike or has a neutral attitude towards Wike, nobody can deny that he usually gets what he wants…and that he has pulled off a feat so audacious, astonishing and unique – seizing control of the two main political parties on his home turf – that when this era of our history is catalogued in books for posterity, Wike’s name will surely feature very prominently.

Many Nigerians were shocked when Wike opted to play a Tinubu Cheerleader role because he had repeatedly described Tinubu’s APC as a “cancer” that had seriously messed Nigeria up since 2015.

But thanks to Wike, the APC was, for the first time ever, declared the winner of a presidential election in Rivers State this year.

Meanwhile, Wike’s protegee (Sim Fubara) succeeded him as the PDP governor of Rivers State and the Rivers branch of the PDP wound up with numerous seats in local and federal legislative chambers.

In a nutshell, Wike has cunningly manoeuvred himself into becoming the de facto boss of both PDP and APC in Rivers State. And it is not surprising that Tinubu regards him as a crucial ally.

Whether Wike really won Rivers State for Tinubu or anyone else is still a hotly debated topic. Reports from respected foreign organisations such as the European Union and British BBC indicate that the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, may have colluded with Wike and Tinubu to declare false results.

In the meantime, Wike has bagged the Federal Capital Territory ministerial slot, a prestigious, quasi-gubernatorial posting that normally goes to Northerners.

Wike and Tinubu have different styles – Tinubu is much smoother and is (unlike Wike) fond of talented sophisticated technocrats. But they still come across as being kindred spirits in fundamental ways.

They are both clever, manipulative strategists. They both adore power. They both relentlessly pursue wealth. They both lavish inducements on useful individuals. They are both immensely ambitious. They are both famed for getting whatever they want.

Tinubu, known as Jagaban – warrior leader – controlled most of his native South-West geopolitical zone for a quarter of a century.

My guess is that Wike, a seasoned muscle flexer, will learn from his new master and try his best to build a solid base across the entire length and breadth of his native South-South zone.

Tinubu despite the endless embarrassments that are tarnishing his image, has gone from being a regional champion to running the Giant of Africa.

Could it be only a matter of time before Wike follows in his footsteps?

TOTTENHAM Hotspur captain Son Heung-min and the club’s head coach Ange Postecoglou have won the main English Premier League awards for September.

While Son has been voted September Player of the Month, Postecoglou secured the Manager of the Month prize.

Korea forward Son scored six goals in four matches in September as Spurs defeated Burnley, Sheffield United and Liverpool, and drew with Arsenal, to continue their unbeaten start to the season.

He netted a hat-trick at Turf Moor, a brace in the north London derby, and the opening goal in Spurs’ first victory over Liverpool since 2017.

Son’s award is the second for Tottenham players this season after James Maddison won August’s prize.

Son has now won the award four times in his career, matching Alan Shearer, Thierry Henry, Dennis Bergkamp, Frank Lampard, Paul Scholes, Mohamed Salah, Marcus Rashford, Bruno Fernandes and Jamie Vardy.

Son topped a seven-man shortlist after votes on the EA SPORTS website were combined with those of a panel of football experts.

He beat the likes of Manchester City forward Julian Alvarez, Liverpool’s Mohamed Salah and West Ham’s Jarrod Bowen to the award.

On his part, Postecoglou has made Premier League history by winning September 2023 Manager of the Month award.

The Australian is the first manager to win the award in each of his first two months in the competition, having also claimed August’s prize, the first coach from his country to ever win it.

The last manager to win the first two awards of any season was Jurgen Klopp, in 2019/2020, when Liverpool went on to lift the Premier League trophy.

Postecoglou beat fellow nominees Arsenal’s Mikel Arteta, Aston Villa’s Unai Emery, Newcastle United’s Eddie Howe and Klopp after votes from the public were combined with those of a panel of football experts.

Manchester United’s Bruno Fernandes won the Goal of the Month award for his strike against Burnley in the clash his side won 1-0.

[https://ntm.ng]

The Debt Management Office (DMO) has reopened subscription offers for 10year, 15year and 30year FGN bonds for April 2029, June 2033, June 2038 and June 2053 at 14.55%, 14.70%, 15.45% and 15.70% respectively.

This announcement was made in a statement on the DMO’s official website. The auction date is October 16^th while the settlement date is October 18^th.

The statement reads,

• “Under the Debt Management Office (Establishment) Act 2003 and the Local Loans (Registered Stock and Securities) Act, CAP. L17, LFN 2004 DEBT MANAGEMENT OFFICE on behalf of the FEDERAL GOVERNMENT OF NIGERIA Offers for Subscription and is authorized to receive applications for the Federal Government of Nigeria saving bonds”

Interest Rates and Tenure:

The federal government hopes to raise N90bn for two 10-year bonds at interest rates of 14.55% and 14.70% respectively.

For the 15-year and 30-year tenure bonds, the interest rate is 15.45% and 15.70% respectively.

Units of Subscription:

The DMO outlines the units of subscription as

• “N1,000 per unit, subject to a minimum subscription of N5,000, and subsequent multiples of N1,000, with a maximum subscription limit of N50,001,000.”

Interested investors are encouraged to contact stock brokerage firms listed as authorized agents by the Debt Management Office (DMO) and the bonds are traded on the NGX (Nigerian Exchange Group).

It is important to note that FGN bonds are fully backed by the federal government of Nigeria.

The DMO encouraged interested investors to contact Primary Dealer Market Makers (PDMMs) such as First Bank, Access Bank, United Bank for Africa Plc, Zenith Bank Plc, etc.

[Nairametrics]

Governor Ahmed Aliyu of Sokoto State has said he inherited an empty treasury and no single note was handed over to him by his predecessor, former Governor Aminu Tambuwal

Aliyu was responding to the deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Benjamin Kanu, who asked how the Governor was able to execute 100 projects in his first 100 days in office during a condolence visit to the state on Thursday.

Aliyu, who spoke through his deputy, Engineer Idris Gobir, said it was just a sacrifice as there was nothing in the treasury when they took over about five months ago.

“We inherited an empty Treasury and nothing to show, not a single paper was handed over to us.

“We made sacrifice to change the narrative of the state and we have succeeded in changing it within the last 100 days,” he said.

He described the relationship between the state government and the legislature as cordial, saying they were groomed by the current leader of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the state, Senator Aliyu Magatakarda Wamakko.

Aliyu, however, thanked the leadership of the green chamber who sent a powerful delegation to condole the government and people of the state over the demise of their colleague and member, representing Isa-Sabon Birni Federal Constituency, Jelani Danbuga.

He described the late lawmaker as patriotic and a complete gentleman.

Earlier, Kanu said they were amused by the number of projects so far executed by the state government, noting that it was a thing of joy to see leadership at the state level was making a positive impact on the lives of the people.

He stated that they were in Sokoto to commiserate with the people of the state over the death of their colleague who believed in the unity and progress of the country.

[DailyTrust]

The Area Police Command in Otukpo Benue State, have rescued a suspected kidnapper arrested by youths and vigilantes in Oglewu District of Ohimini LGA of Benue State.

According to the information gathered so far, the youths and local vigilante from Oglewu captured a man who owned up to being a kidnapper around Okwungaga Hill and agreed to take the youths to hide out.

He was, however, rescued and taken away by the Police while the mob was still interrogating him.

The youths have now commenced a protest in the area, demanding that the police release the suspect to them.

They have blocked the Otukpo- Enugu Highway in Otukpo, insisting that the police release the arrested kidnapper for jungle justice.

Bun fires have been lit around the area while vehicular traffic on the busy highway has been obstructed.

[DailyPost]

The Federal Capital Territory Police Command has revealed that about 62 cases of alleged disappearance of manhood have been reported across the territory.

The FCT Commissioner of Police, Haruna Garba made the development known while addressing newsmen at the command’s headquarters on Friday.

Garba further revealed that of the 62 cases reported to the command, 51 suspects have been arrested and charged to court for misinformation and causing breach of peace in the FCT.

According to the police, the 51 suspects wrongly accused others of causing their manhood to disappear, leading to mob actions taken against the victims (those accused).

The CP, however, called on residents of the territory to always cooperate with security operatives in a bid to ensure that the city is free of crimes.

Garba said, “The first case of male organ disappearance was first recorded in Gwagwalada on 21/09/2023. It has spread all over FCT where as of today we had a total of 62 cases reported.

“Fifty-one suspects were charged to court for giving false information and inciting public disturbance. To this end, I want to reiterate my commitment and willingness to always work with you (residents of FCT) to defeat crime in all its forms in the Federal Capital Territory.”

[Punch]

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has pulled the Federal Capital Territory Administration (FCTA) out of the Treasury Single Account (TSA).

The announcement was made today (Friday) by the FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike, during a press conference in Abuja.

Naija News understands that the new order FCT Administration would have to utilize the territory’s Internally Generated Revenue IGR for the development of the nation’s capital.

Wike confirmed this during the press conference, adding that the President has approved the creation of the FCT Civil Service Commission to allow for staff career progression.

He revealed that the President also approved the establishment of the Woman Affairs secretariat, which would be commissioned next week.

The minister expressed sadness, however, that the nonexistence of the CSC has made it impossible for directors in the FCTA to attain the position of Permanent Secretary.

A former minister, Alhaji Bello Maitama Yusuf is dead.

Yusuf, a former senator from 1999-2007 died in the early hours of Friday in Kano at the age of 76.

A family friend of the deceased, Alhaji Hussaini Dalhatu, who confirmed the death, said that the funeral prayer of the Sardauna Dutse would take place after Jumu’at prayer at the Emir of Kano’s palace.

Bello Maitama Yusuf, born in Gwaram, Jigawa State in 1947, was minister of interior in 1981 and minister of commerce in 1982.

His death is coming on the heel of the demise of the member representing Isa/Sabon Birni federal constituency of Sokoto State in the House of Representatives, Abdulkadir Jelani Danbuga.

WITHIN NIGERIA recalls that the federal lawmaker died around 12:30am in the wee hours of Thursday after a brief illness.

The late Danbuga, elected on the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC), was said to have been admitted in the hospital around Tuesday noon.

“His remains would be taken to the National Mosque for the bathing ritual after which it would be flown to Sokoto for burial around 11am,” Almustapha said.

Hon. Danbuga is survived by two wives, many children, and grandchildren.