Former Arsenal midfielder, Paul Merson, has said the team will beat Tottenham Hotspur in their North London Derby on Sunday.

The Gunners have a chance to extend their lead at the top of the Premier League if they defeat their rivals.

Merson, speaking with Sky Sports, claimed that Mikel Arteta has better players than Spurs.

He said: “I expect Arsenal to win this game because Tottenham will play gung-ho football, almost saying you have a shot and then we have a shot.

“That won’t work against Arsenal – they’ve got better players than Tottenham. They’re a better team, more of a unit and they’ll win the football match.

“I can’t see anything but an Arsenal win knowing how Tottenham like to play.

“They just open the game up and say, ‘we’ll see who can score more goals’. That will be so hard to do against Arsenal, who are a far superior football team.”

[DailyPost]

• Alleges fierce ongoing battle to destroy state

Rivers State Governor Siminalayi Fubara vowed yesterday that he would not rule the state on bended knees regardless of what he called the ongoing fierce fight to destroy the soul of the state.

Fubara, who is currently locked in a political battle with his immediate past predecessor, Mr. Nyesom Wike, pleaded for the support of all well meaning people of the state in order to save it.

He spoke at the Ubima country home of a former governor of the state, Sir Celestine Omehia, in Ikwerre Local Government Area.

The governor, accompanied by some elders of the state, was on a condolence visit to Omehia on the recent death of his mother, Mrs Ezinne Cecilia Omehia.

Fubara, according to his Chief Press Secretary (CPS), Nelson Chukwudi, said the visit was to demonstrate love and show support to Sir Omehia who, as a son, had satisfactorily performed the duty of giving his mother a befitting burial.

He stressed the need for every true lover of the state to stand up to be counted in the fight to safeguard the soul of Rivers State.

“Anybody who claims to love this state should not be party to anything, directly or indirectly, that will bring us backwards,” the governor was quoted as saying.

He added: “We will continue to support every course that will advance the interest of our dear Rivers State.

“And I am happy to say, and I’ve said it over and again, it doesn’t matter the number of people that are standing with me, I will stand on that side of truth.

 “I will not, I repeat, I will not govern our dear state on my knees (bending).

“If that was the purpose, I will not do that. I will stand to govern our dear state and stand continually on the side of right.

“But politics of bitterness will not take us anywhere. So, I want to thank you that, at this stage, we have a few of you who understand that Rivers State belongs to every one of us. We must, therefore, fight together to sustain the soul of this state.”

Fubara also spoke on the Friday tanker inferno which he said razed over 120 vehicles and claimed five lives.

He described the incident as a “great tragedy and very unfortunate”.

He said: “It is a very sad day in our dear State. Something happened in Eleme, along the route of Indorama Petrochemical and Fertiliser Company Limited.

“A tanker had an issue with a tipper, and there was an unfortunate situation that caused the state a very devastating loss.

“I went there this morning to see for myself what really happened, and I can tell you, I’ve not been happy since then. With all the dramas in our state, it is not even proper for us to add that to it.

“But it wasn’t our fault. It was just what impatience caused. The tanker driver, knowing the state of that road, was not patient, and it resulted in that colossal loss. Over 120 vehicles were completely burnt and five lives were lost. It was very unfortunate.”

He commiserated with those who lost loved ones and others whose vehicles were burnt beyond repairs, adding that the state government mourned and grieved with them.

In his speech, Sir Celestine Omehia expressed appreciation, on behalf of his family, to Governor Fubara, his delegation and other friends, among whom were those he described as matured elders, for the show of love.

He said: “I have taken a decision to be SIMplified. Wherever you (Fubara) go is where I will go. If you say tomorrow you are no more interested in this position, I will also stop fighting for anything in Rivers State.

“But God who gave you the opportunity will also give you all the wisdom, strength, power and everything that it takes to govern the people of Rivers State and beyond.”

He assured the Governor that almost the entire people of the State, including chiefs, elders, opinion leaders, women, youths, civil society groups and professionals across all spectrums of the state, were praying and working assiduously for the success of his administration.

Omehia said it was that support and prayers of the people that he needed to succeed, because, according to him, one with God, is with majority, and would always excel and succeed.

He urged the governor to continue in his strides to deliver good governance, peaceful and prosperous state to the present and future generations.

Two members of the state cabinet said to be loyalists of Wike had resigned last week following their redeployment by the governor.

They are Professor Zaccheaus Adangor (who until now was the Commissioner of Justice and Attorney-General) and Isaac Kamalu who was in charge of Finance.

Adangor had been moved to Special Duties and Kamalu to Employment.

Kamalu, in his resignation letter, cited absence of peace in Rivers State despite the peace pact by President Bola Tinubu last December.

 He said it was impossible for him to give his best in an atmosphere of rancour.

He also disputed claim by the governor that the revenue of the state had moved up from N12 billion to N27 billion.

His words: “Your Excellency would recall that I served under the Administration of His Excellency, Chief Nyesom Ezenwo Wike, CON, GSSRS, POS (now Honorable Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja) originally as Commissioner for Budget and Economic Planning (2015-2019) and subsequently as Commissioner for Finance-with oversight responsibility for the Rivers State Ministry of Budget and Economic Planning (2019 – 2023).

“The mandates of the respective ministries were to the best of our abilities (as ministries) duly carried out and at all times material relevant reforms were embarked upon for improved performance and effective and sustainable service delivery.

“Among several others, we successfully carried out the following: Initiating and (supporting existing) policy frameworks for enhanced internal revenue generation.

“This with (necessary adjustments made on some of the programmes) led to the increase in the internal revenue receipts. This steady rise has been on for some years now, culminating in what the state is presently generating though not the figures erroneously claimed in the Media.

“You will respectfully recall that when the climate of discord became unbearable I and other like-minded members of the Executive Council that were appointed by you resigned.

“You thereafter engaged His Excellency, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and as father of the nation to intervene in the matter.

“In deference to the directive of Mr. President, I and the others were recalled and we all accepted and joined the cabinet again. I expected, sir, that with the opportunity provided by Mr. President, every effort will be made to sustain peace.

“Regrettably, Your Excellency, the peace in government and governance that we all citizens and residents of the state desire has remained out of reach despite our consistent efforts and demand for same. This has affected our ability to protect and defend the gains that we made these past years.

“In the course of official engagements, I have reiterated the need for this peace and the fact we all are willing and determined to work for this. It is very difficult to deliver good governance where there is acrimony and discord.

“It is not the point of service that is important but the climate. Our present circumstance makes service delivery extremely challenging. I still hold the belief that it is never too late for peace.”

On his part, Adangor said: “I wish to state for the record that I am no longer willing to continue to serve in the administration of His Excellency, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, GSSRS, Governor of Rivers State, in any capacity whatsoever.

“It is important to mention that the Governor of Rivers State had in the past couple of weeks willfully interfered with the performance of my duties as the Hon. Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice, Rivers State by directing me not to defend, oppose, or appear in suits instituted against the Hon. Attorney-General and the Government of Rivers State by persons admittedly hired and sponsored by the Government of Rivers State.

“That having served the Government and good people of Rivers State dutifully as member of the Rivers State Executive Council for the past five (5) years, it has become imperative for me to quit the administration in order to preserve my reputation.”

[TheNation]

Nigeria’s anti-corruption agencies, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission EFCC and the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission ICPC were established some two decades ago by the government of President Olusegun Obasanjo. The motivation was to set up strategic platforms to deal decisively with the evils of corruption which were generally accepted by all to be at the apex of the nation’s collective malaise.

Nigerians were also aware that their country had been labelled as fantastically corrupt by the international community. This seems to explain the decision of each successive President to make strong statements to end corruption either during his electioneering campaigns or even after having been elected. At a point, the poetic declaration was: ‘if Nigeria does not kill corruption, corruption will kill Nigeria.’ Put differently, corruption is the most notorious bane of Nigeria’s development.

One would therefore have expected to see substantive efforts at dealing decisively with such a subject. But this has not been so,as the few and feeble efforts are usually shunned by many Nigerians. To start with, the ruling class does not appear assured that it is in its interest to end every type of corrupt practice. Indeed, from inception, so much was done to water-down the modalities of the anti-corruption bodies for effective performance. When it became obvious that Nuhu Ribadu, the pioneer chief executive of the EFCC was getting too solid on board, he was immediately redeployed supposedly by his original employers, the Police, to undergo a one-year course at the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies NIPSS in Kuru, Jos. It was as if the Police had a mandate to monitor Ribadu and to terminate his secondment to the EFCC whenever he became too tough for the powers that be.

In the case of the ICPC, the National Assembly had a running battle with its pioneer chief executive, Justice Mustapha Akanbi, now late. The sin of Akanbi was his attempt to investigate allegations of corruption brought to the ICPC against the leadership of the National Assembly. The latter summarily proceeded to amend the ICPC Act and to confer immunity on its leaders before calling for a public debate on the matter. In other words, top political office holders in Nigeria have never been comfortable with any anti-corruption framework to investigate their leaders. How can the EFCC and the ICPC succeed in their gigantic assignments if members of the ruling class known to be the greatest catalysts of corruption are to be exempted from the scope of operations of the anti-corruption bodies? The situation is yet to change!

It is against this backdrop that one considers as unfortunate, the discordant narratives on the current ‘war’ between former Governor Yahaya Bello of Kogi State and the EFCC which has in the last one week occupied huge media space. The said negative narratives have painfully reiterated the fact that Nigerians are not really ready to fight corruption. Indeed, Yahaya Bello’s case shows clearly that many Nigerians cherish the pursuit of shadows rather than substance by focussing on incidentals. It is more irritating that learned analysts are leading the resort to mundane and irrelevant issues. So, not much is said about the stupendous amounts suspected to have been embezzled. Instead, when, where and how Bello was invited or not invited for questioning are the issues in contention.

The questions irritatingly in focus include: Was Bello invited by the EFCC? If not, why was he not invited? If he was invited, who delivered the invitation? Was the invitation written? If yes, was it typed and was it on the official letterhead of the EFCC? In what form was the invitation- letter, card, WhatsApp, Instagram or oral? If the truth must be told these questions can only continue to unduly pamper citizens who had for 8 years been protected by the law from any arrest and or prosecution. When exactly would Yahaya Bello and other privileged politicians like him return to our normal society or are they entitled to immunity for life? Having been given a mandate to govern a state for two terms, Bello did not have to commit any offence before taking steps to render stewardship. It is worse that there were grave allegations against him in the public domain.

It is thus unfair to be hypercritical of any entity that seeks to take a look at some of the numerous unwholesome things that happened in Kogi State during Yahaya Bello’s tenure. Even if budgetary provisions were legally approved by the Kogi State House of Assembly for political violence during the period, there is need to know how much was appropriated and who dispensed the funds that kept the state in servitude and apprehension. Many lost the courage to raise their voices against certain unlawful acts. For advising against wastages concerning payment of workers’ salaries and uncompleted projects, Deputy Governor Simon Achuba was impeached although the panel set up to investigate the deputy governor did not find him wanting. But these were not even the issues that aroused the EFCC’s interest.

The anti-graft agency is raising many more fundamental issues of likely embezzlement of state resources that no one should sweep under the carpet. The EFCC for instance is bothered about several purchases of properties located mostly in Abuja. According to the Commission, Yahaya Bello needs to explain his ownership of Four Houses in the nation’s capital namely: i) No.2 Justice Chukwudifu Oputa Street, Asokoro, Abuja, acquired between 2018 and 2020 at a cost of N920 million, ii)Plot no. 1160, within Cadastral Zone C03, Gwarimpa II District, Abuja acquired in February, 2021 with the sum of N100million, iii)Block D, Manzini Street, Wuse Zone 4, Abuja acquired in 2022 at a cost of N170million and iv) No. 35 Danube Street, Maitama District, Abuja acquired in 2023, valued  at ¦ 950 million. Critics should interrogate these and not cosmetic matters blown out of proportion.

It is obvious that the issues of improper invitation or no invitation at all raised by Yahaya Bello’s supporters are essentially diversionary. How could a man who was reportedly not informed about any case against him at the EFCC have gone to court to restrain the same EFCC from arresting him? Ayo Fayose, former Ekiti State Governor who was perceptive enough to appreciate the likelihood of his arrest to answer several allegations of impropriety against him while in office made a mark yet to be beaten by going on his own to knock at the door of the EFCC at the end of his tenure. The white lion of Kogi should have done same in the last two weeks instead of beating about the bush with unconvincing narratives. If he had done so, he would have seamlessly entered through his preferred front door of the EFCC while leaving his traducers in a state of distress.

What we have said so far should not derogate from the calls on all authorities to always follow the rule of law and the principles of natural justice while dealing with suspects. At the same time, nothing should be done to further increase powerful men at the expense of strong and viable societal institutions that all other progressive climes greatly rely upon for survival. It is therefore time to review Section 308 of our Constitution which grants “absolute” immunity to certain public office holders who have over the years used it to abuse their offices especially in matters of corruption. We can adopt the moderated template in Malaysia, Italy, Australia etc. to redress the Nigerian dilemma for us all to enjoy some measure of equality before the law.

It is therefore necessary to admonish our courts to halt unpatriotic orders which restrain certain bodies from performing their constitutionally assigned tasks. Similarly, the EFCC needs to be encouraged to be more proactive bearing in mind the subsisting position of the law that where as a privileged public officer who enjoys immunity cannot be arrested or prosecuted during his tenure, he can be investigated. Ola Olukoyede,the visibly vibrant new chair of the EFCC should therefore create a framework that enables its officials to conclude investigations on corrupt practices and arrange those who have cases to answer in court as soon as they leave office without wasting resources to feed such persons in custody. But our anti-graft agencies ought to always be assured of public support.

Christopher Musa, chief of defence staff, has called on Nigerians, irrespective of tribe or religion to unite and fight Nigeria’s common enemies.

Speaking at the second edition of the Unity Schools Old Students Association (USOSA) sports carnival, in Abuja, Musa said the common enemies of Nigeria are terrorism, banditry, and other social vices.

“Nigeria is challenged; so we need a united Nigeria to confront all the challenges we are facing. Nigerians must unite and confront the evil that is coming against us. So many people do not like the blessings we are having as a country,” NAN quoted him as saying.

“We must shame them by working together as a team and together we will continue to move forward.”

Musa said sport is a factor that unites people and stressed the need for Nigerians to foster peace and promote national unity.

“At this sports carnival today, we are all one; we all love Nigeria. Nigeria gave us so much while in unity schools and that is what we are trying to bring out,” he said.

“This is a good opportunity and we all know how sports unite us and teach discipline to understand oneself and to make sacrifices to know that there will be failures in life.

“What does one do when he or she fails? He or she rises and moves forward and that is what we are trying to preach.”

Musa also called on Nigerians to continue to promote the country’s diversity for national development.

In his remarks, Michael Magaji, president-general of USOSA, called on Nigerians to continue to promote teamwork and excellence within the nation’s diversity as a way of adding value to the national common heritage.

“We see Nigerians in unity from all parts of the country coming here and using sports to promote teamwork and excellence which help to manage and understand the country’s diversity,” he said.

“Unity schools were set up more than 50 years ago primarily to promote quality education, but more importantly to promote nation building.

“We must continue to work together to integrate the ideals of this project for our common goal.”

[TheCable]

There are strong indications that workers will wait for a longer time to receive a new national minimum wage as negotiations have stalled amid excruciating economic hardship and mass suffering in the country.
In fact, the delay is allegedly caused by the Federal Government.

This came as Abia, Taraba and Zamfara states are allegedly still in breach of the 2019 National Minimum Wage Act which fixed minimum wage at N30,000 from the previous N18,000.

The implication of the stalled negotiations is that workers’ hopes for a pay rise ahead of the 2024 May Day scheduled for Wednesday have been dashed.

The new minimum wage ought to have taken effect on April 1, 2024, the old regime having expired on March 31.

Meeting

Sunday Vanguard’s checks revealed that the last meeting of the Tripartite Committee on the New National Minimum Wage, TCNMW, tasked with fixing the new wage, was held in the first week of April where stakeholders received the reports of the public hearings across the six geographical zones held on Thursday, March 7, 2024.

It was, however, gathered that the subcommittees have been meeting on other issues as directed by the TCNMW.

According to findings, at the first week of April meeting, members of the committee, that is, the government, labour and private sector employers, were directed to submit their written proposals to the National Salaries, Income and Wages Commission, NSIWC, which serves as the secretariat to the TCNMW.

Sources informed that while Organised Labour, comprising Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, and its Trade Union Congress of Nigeria, TUC, counterpart, has sent in its demand of N615,000 minimum wages, the Organised Private Sector, OPS, has equally sent in its proposal.

However, it could not be confirmed if the government has sent in its proposal.

Reports

Sunday Vanguard gathered that after the TCNMW received the reports of the public hearings, the NSIWC fixed April 16 and 17 as meeting dates for a review of the reports and probably commence negotiations, but, unfortunately, the dates turned out to be public holidays for Sallah celebrations.

Since then, Sunday Vanguard learnt that it (NSIWC) has not fixed a new date for a meeting where the actual negotiations would start.

Blaming the government for the delay, one of the labour leaders, who is a member of the TCNMW, said until the government through the NSIWC summons a meeting, nothing could be done.

He said: “The last meeting was in the first week of April when we met to receive the reports of the zonal public hearings.
“It was essentially to collate reports from the zones. We as Organised Labour, that is, the NLC and TUC, have sent in a joint proposal or demand if you like.

“We are aware that the OPS has equally sent in its proposal. We are all waiting for the reconvening of TCNMW meeting to know what the government is putting on the table for us to begin negotiations.

“But that is not to say we have been doing nothing or we have been idle. The various subcommittees, in line with the mandate of the main committee, have been working. We have a lot to discuss and negotiate about.

“The hike in electricity tariff is now an important factor. We had sent in our demand before the increase in electricity tariff.

“To worsen matters, the increase was done without stakeholders’ inputs contrary to the enabling Act. In other words, we were not consulted as required by law.

“All these issues will determine when and how long the negotiations will last. One thing is clear, no matter how long the negotiations take, the new minimum wage will definitely take effect by April 2024. Meaning the law will be backdated to April 2024. The implication is that a new minimum wage can’t be announced on May Day.”

Speaking also, the Director-General of the Nigeria Employers’ Consultative Association, NECA, Adewale Smart-Oyerinde said a new minimum wage cannot be announced on May 1.

“We have not actually started real negotiations. The last meeting we had was when we received reports of the public hearings”, he told Sunday Vanguard.

“We were asked to send our proposals to the secretariat of the committee. We have done that as an Organised Private Sector, OPS. We believe others have sent in theirs. We are waiting for the reconvening of the committee for the negotiations to start. We are ready for the negotiations.”

Data

It was gathered, however, that parties are busy collating data across states, sectors and socioeconomic trends ahead of the commencement of negotiations.

A member of the OPS, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said he foresees very robust and interesting negotiations because of the socioeconomic realities on the ground.

He said “As the socioeconomic realities affect workers, so also they affect employers. Nobody is immune to the hardships and socioeconomic realities including the recent hike in electricity tariff. So, the negotiations will be very interesting and robust.”

On his part, the immediate past President of NLC, Ayuba Wabba, who spoke on the delay in concluding the minimum wage negotiations and non-implementation of the minimum wage by some state governments and private sector employers, said “The Minimum Wage Act of 2019 made clear provision on when negotiations should start and be concluded, which is six months to the expiration of a prevailing national minimum wage.

“Also there was a clear provision for enforcement in a court of law including payment of interest rate to the workers that have been denied payment of minimum wage.

“Before I left office in 2023, we had contacted Mr Femi Kuti, SAN, to prosecute Taraba, Zamfara and Abia states that refused to start implementing the N30,000 national minimum wage to any of their employees.
“I am sure they have not implemented as we speak.”

According to him, the process for taking these states to court was stalled because the affected state councils failed to provide the requirements especially pay slips of not less than 10 workers to prove non-implementation.
He added “Then-governors of the three states deliberately refused to implement and we were ready to engage them and test the law.

“We need to test the law to enforce implementation. In fact, we had to sack our state council chairman in one of the states when we discovered that he was conniving with the state government to stall implementation.”

Labour mulls upward review of proposal

Meanwhile, Sunday Vanguard understands that Organised Labour may present a new minimum wage demand following the recent hike in electricity tariff by the Federal Government.

According to sources, the 300 per cent jerk up in electricity tariff has made nonsense of its earlier N615,000 benchmark wage demand.

The Labour centres, NLC and TUC, had, last month, presented a joint minimum wage demand to the TCNMW through the NSIWC.
The joint presentation is contrary to what they (NLC and TUC leaders in the zones) proposed during March 7, 2024, zonal public hearings organised by the TCNMW across four of the six geo-political zones of the country.

One of the sources said: “The recent hike in electricity tariff has made nonsense of the demand we presented to the National Salaries, Incomes and Wages Commission which is the secretariat of the minimum wage committee.

“Both centres had met in March to harmonise our different demands as seen during the public hearings and made a joint demand.

“But with the 300 per cent increase in electricity tariff, our demand is no longer realistic. Therefore, we plan to adjust our demand to accommodate the new tariff hike.

“As you are aware, our demand was based on the socioeconomic indices on the ground at the time we made the demand. But things have changed as typified by the 300 per cent hike in electricity tariff by the government.

“So, we have to adjust our demand by 300 per cent in line with the electricity tariff hike.”

N850,000 wage

Recall that while the TUC demanded almost a uniform figure of N447,000 across the zones, the NLC demanded different figures for each zone with the highest being N850,000.

In the South-West, whereas leaders of the NLC proposed N794,000, those of the TUC proposed N497,000.

In the South-East, the NLC said it preferred the new minimum wage to be N540, 000 and the TUC suggested N447,000.

However, NLC leaders in the South-South proposed N850,000, with their North-West counterparts angling for N485,000 minimum wage.

Vanguard News Nigeria

Charges that the judiciary is complicit in the executive rascality that has seized this country since the Fourth Republic began in 1999 never cease to rear its ugly head. The charges are not from aggrieved politicians alone but also from the top echelon of the Bar. Retired judges have also been known to express dissatisfaction at the performance of some of their colleagues still on the Bench. Truly, that the judiciary plays second fiddle or is subservient and servile to the Executive branch of government is not in doubt; the rulings and comportment of many of them embarrass even a lay man like me. I wonder why such judges have chosen the path of destruction, not only of themselves but also of their profession. Whimsical desecration of the hallowed chambers of justice by men and women constitutionally empowered to act mini-God, able to take the life they are not able to give, cannot be taken lightly. These are men and women who, on their own volition, without compulsion, swore on oath to dispense justice without fear of favour, with neither malice nor affection to anyone, regardless whose ox is gored. To turn afterwards, treat these with levity, and even laugh their oath to scorn!

Is it fear? Is it the love of money? Is it a lack of understanding? Montesquieu’s theory of separation of powers apart, the judiciary is the branch that should hold the two other arms of government – the Executive and Legislature – to ransom. Because it wields the power of life and death over all of us. Because it has the final say – at least here on earth. In heaven it may be Jehovah (Who has the final say/Jehovah, Jehovah, Jehovah/Has the final say!). But here on earth, the judiciary has the final say. It is the only branch of government empowered to overrule the two other arms. In doing that, brilliant judges who are so minded have been known to make laws while interpreting the law. They have the powers to strip anyone – including even the most powerful office holders – of privileges and entitlements; they are known (in other climes at least) to strip governors and presidents of their office; even sending them to jail. Why, then, are they effeminate here? Who or what emasculated them?

I moaned for the judiciary, often touted as the last hope of the common man and mourned for the common man himself when I read the intervention of Chidi Anselm Odinkalu, SAN, and former chairman of the Human Rights Commission. Shall we call it a dirge or requiem for the judiciary? It is titled “Yahaya Bello and a complicit judiciary”. I will return with parting shots.

“Josiah Majebi is the fifth Chief Judge of Kogi State (in north-central Nigeria) in four years and the fourth to exist almost entirely in the pocket of the state governor. He has been in office as substantive Chief Judge since the beginning of February 2023, having acted in that role since 26 June 2022 when his predecessor, Richard Olorunfemi, retired. Henry Olusiyi served in that office for just under seven months from the end of June 2020 until January 2021. Sunday Otuh, who succeeded him, spent eight months in office before retiring in September 2021.

The last Chief Judge of Kogi State who attempted to hold that office with dignity and independence, Nasir Ajanah, paid with his life, unmourned and exiled from the state. He was the second Chief Judge of the state to be politically lynched by the government of Kogi State in one decade.

At the beginning of April 2008, the Kogi State House of Assembly, defying an order of the state High Court, adopted a resolution asking the state governor to remove long-serving Chief Judge of the state, Umaru Eri. On that basis, then acting governor, Clarence Olafemi, promptly announced the sack of the Chief Judge on 2 April, 2008 and designated another judge, Sam Ota, to act in his place.

In his defence, Umaru Eri claimed that his crime was that he had declined the request of the politicians to act as go-between in bribing the election petition tribunal on behalf of the then state governor whose election was in dispute. On 16 May, 2008, AlabaAjileye, a judge of the High Court of Kogi State, reversed the sack and reinstated Umaru Eri.

Eleven years later, on 18 June 2019, AlabaAjileye presided again in deciding a case that seemed uncannily to reprise issues in his earlier decision. As with the 2008 decision, the claimant in 2019 was another Chief Judge of Kogi State, Nasir Ajanah, with his Chief Registrar, Yahya Adamu. The defendants included the Kogi State House of Assembly, its Speaker, and the state governor, Yahaya Bello.

At the directive of Gov. Yahaya Bello, the Secretary to the Government of Kogi State wrote on 14 November, 2018 to Chief Judge Nasir Ajanah, asking him to provide “the payroll of judicial staff for the ongoing pay parade of civil servants in the state”. At the time, the governor was a defendant in the court of the Chief Judge; so the Chief Registrar responded to the letter and explained that the judiciary was a self-accounting and co-equal branch of government supervised by the state Judicial Service Commission.

An affronted Gov. Bello wrote under his own name to Walter Onnoghen, then Chief Justice of Nigeria and chairman of the National Judicial Council (NJC), asking the NJC to find the Chief Judge guilty of misconduct requiring that he “step aside and (an) Acting Chief Judge (be) allowed to take his place”.

While his petition was still waiting for the attention of the NJC, Yahaya Bello resorted to political self-help. He referred the perceived effrontery of Nasir Ajannah to the State House of Assembly, which promptly constituted an investigation committee. The Chief Judge sued. While his suit was pending, on 2 April, 2019, the State House of Assembly adopted a resolution asking Yahaya Bello to remove the Chief Judge and also requiring disciplinary action against the Chief Registrar. On 18 June, 2019, AlabaAjileye sitting at the High Court of Kogi State in Kotonkarfe, determined that the Kogi State House of Assembly and the governor acted unlawfully in seeking to remove the Chief Judge.

The reaction of the governor was bestial. He first went after AlabaAjileye, a man of courage and learning whose judicial record was unblemished. With a doctorate degree in law, AlabaAjileye is an expert in the rarefied subject of digital evidence. Following this judgment, however, Yahaya Bello’s government made it known that they could no longer guarantee his safety. Yet, when he was put forward for elevation to the Court of Appeal, the same Kogi State government actively blocked it. A man who would easily have adorned the Supreme Court with distinction, AlabaAjileye retired from the High Court in February 2023 and has since then forged a career as a scholar and academic.

Turning to the state Chief Judge meanwhile, Yahaya Bello made life unbearable for Nasir Ajannah. He began by banishing the man from official state functions. When Chief Judge Ajannah attended the swearing-in of the new Grand Khadi of Kogi State on 21 May, 2020, the Chief Security Officer to Yahaya Bello informed him that the governor gave a directive that he should not be allowed to attend the function.

In the middle of the COVID-19 pandemic, Gov. Bello made Nasir Ajannah persona non grata in the state. As a result, he was forced into internal displacement in Abuja, where his personal arrangements were worse than transitory. While in hiding in Abuja, Nasir Ajannah contracted COVID and died in isolation in Gwagwalada in the Federal Capital Territory on 28 June, 2020. His death went unacknowledged and even the institutions of the judiciary were reluctant to mourn his passing.

The men who followed Nasir Ajannah in the office of Chief Judge of Kogi State learned to stoke the vanities of Yahaya Bello and avoid his anger. Ahead of his departure from office at the end of eight years as governor of Kogi State in January 2024, Josiah Majebi as Chief Judge and chairman of the Kogi State Judicial Service Commission prepared a list of candidates for nomination as judges of the High Court of Kogi State. At the top of the list was a wife to Yahaya Bello, the basis of whose claim to the nomination was the dutiful fulfillment of the duties of connubium in Yahaya Bello’s bedroom. For the Chief Judge, it was also proof that he had truly abjured any pretensions to a mind of his own.

Alarmed at what they saw as perversion of the system of judicial appointments, a group of seven Senior Advocates of Nigeria from the State wrote to Josiah Majebi to dissuade him from this course of action. In January 2024, they sued, challenging his judicial nominations. Pending the outcome, the NJC suspended the process of appointment to the Kogi State judiciary. On 18 April, 2024, James Omotoso, a judge of the Federal High Court in Abuja, many of whose judgments usually have something of a smell problem about them, implausibly ruled that these senior lawyers had no legitimate interest in the process of appointment of judges in their state and that, in any case, the discretion of the NJC in appointment of judges was effectively not open to review!

It was the day after Yahaya Bello’s chosen successor and blood relative, Usman Ododo, chose to turn his predecessor into a fugitive from legal process and two days after Mr. Ododo opened his case in the petition questioning the lawfulness of his election as governor of Kogi State. As a bungling Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) waited to arrest Yahaya Bello in Abuja, one I. A. Jamil, a judge of the High Court of Kogi State, issued an order claiming to restrain the Commission from doing its job.

According to the order of the judge, the case, which was filed over two months earlier on 8 February, was hurriedly assigned while the siege was on-going in Abuja, was argued, heard and decided and the judge quickly signed the order and handed it to Gov. Ododo to take with him to Abuja from where he spirited his cousin away from legal process in a blaze of gunfire! The court was almost assuredly disingenuous about the date of filing. In all likelihood, the case was filed the same day on 17 April, 2024 and then back-dated!

The EFCC now claims it has declared Yahaya Bello a fugitive but the real question will be how a compromised and complicit judiciary will treat the nomination of his unqualified wife as a judge and the petition against the declaration of his violent cousin as governor of Kogi State. The judges who currently control Nigeria’s criminal politics now must show how much they owe Yahaya Bello!”

Knowledgeable men and women have said that the core problem of the judiciary is the process of recruitment to the Bench. Where merit is sacrificed on the altar of godfatherism, competence takes the back seat while incompetence and mediocrity strut the stage like a colossus. Wherever corruption is rife, justice takes fight!

I was filled with regrets after watching a documentary by the Depot and Petroleum Products Marketers Association of Nigeria (DAPPMAN) titled ‘Fuel Subsidy: Lifting a Nation’s Burden’. I started ruminating over what might have been. In the opening, Dame Winifred Akpani, founder and CEO of NorthWest Petroleum and Gas Company, reminds us of how fuel subsidy came into being. It was in the mid-1970s when oil boom made us believe we were so rich we could buy the entire world. It probably made sense at the time that as Nigeria was raking in billions of dollars from oil export, some of the benefits should be passed to Nigerians via cheap/fixed prices of petroleum products.

Akpani recalls how the military government added petroleum products to the price control list in 1977, officially introducing fuel subsidy in Nigeria. I am looking back today and thinking: if we knew the inter-generational quagmire we were getting ourselves into, we probably would have done things differently. If we sit down to calculate the billions of dollars we have sunk into fuel subsidy since 1977 and how this could have developed the critical infrastructure necessary for Nigeria’s development, we cannot but wonder what might have been. But rather than get stuck with lamenting about the past and what might have been, we should be learning from our mistakes as we head into the future.

Let me state this clearly: I am not against subsidies. The US, the global flag bearer of market economy, heavily subsidises its domestic agriculture, and some aspects of energy, housing, and car manufacturing — all geared towards increasing investment in those sectors. The UK, which is also a market economy, subsidises areas identified as key to economic growth, notably the automotive sector, aerospace and clean energy. Public transport fares are capped and government pays part of the difference, which runs into billions of pounds yearly. But government shares the subsidy burden with commuters through yearly adjustments in the fares charged by the transport companies.

The problem with Nigeria is that we subsidise the wrong points in the production and consumption chain. This is because we probably asked the wrong questions or came up with the wrong answers while designing the policies. The questions should be: why are we subsiding? Can we afford it? How are we going to fund it? How long will the subsidy be in place? What happens when the funds are not flowing like rivers again? Should we be responsible for 100 percent of the subsidy or should we stick to a percentage and pass the rest to Nigerians so that regular adjustments can be made? We went for a blanket, no-questions-asked subsidy policy and Nigerians became infinitely entitled.

This was a major negative outcome of the oil boom. Rather than see the boom as a boon and deftly utilise it to develop other critical sectors and build a robust economic base for Nigeria, we thought the petrodollars would continue to flow without let or hinderance till the end of the world. We plunged into a spending spree, flooding the country with an unsustainable expenditure profile. Isn’t it remarkable that the era we still celebrate as the best in Nigeria’s economic development — the 1950s and 1960s — was when there were neither fuel nor electricity subsidies? Public funds were concentrated on education and building infrastructure by the federal and regional governments.

Today, we lament that some Asian countries that were at par with us in the 1960s have overtaken us and become world beaters. I have never disguised my belief that oil booms have done more harm than good to us. Not just to the economy, but also to politics, security and public morality. Nigeria was not a perfect country before the oil boom — after all, there were several cases of corruption and abuse of office before and after Independence — but the impunity that came with oil wealth is beyond compare. We moved from an era of “10 percent” corruption to the age of phantom contracts. Insane impunity! We have moved from robbing revenues to looting loans. Insane!

Let me be fair. By introducing energy and meal subsidies in the 1970s, the military governments obviously meant well, even if their economics was questionable. With high crude oil prices, petroleum products also became more expensive. Our leaders were probably asking themselves: why should Nigerians pay more for petrol? Shouldn’t cheap products be a fringe benefit of being oil producers? We also needed to encourage more Nigerians to have university education by introducing a number of incentives. You can fault their choices but you cannot fault their desire to make life more comfortable for Nigerians. Rather than cry over spilt milk, we should be thinking about the lessons.

Lesson No 1: never introduce a privilege that you cannot sustain. Withdrawing what has come to be seen as an entitlement is akin to courting war. Gen Olusegun Obasanjo discovered as much when he tried to reduce or remove subsidies when oil prices began to fall. While the boom was a feast for us, it was a funeral for industrialised countries. They began taking measures to reduce fuel consumption: manufacturing fuel-efficient cars and introducing the “pool car” system in offices to encourage sharing, among others. The US — the world’s biggest consumer of petroleum products at the time (and till today) — also started oil exploration in the Gulf of Mexico. You see, they did not go to sleep.

The biggest implication of these initiatives was that oil demand started dropping and prices began to fall. Obasanjo, on becoming head of state in 1976 following the assassination of Gen Murtala Muhammed, had started preaching the gospel of agriculture, launching Operation Feed the Nation to encourage Nigerians to be individually and collectively self-sufficient in food production. In 1978, he increased fees payable in the universities — although tuition remained free — and reduced the meal subsidy, raising the cost from N1.50 to N2 per ticket. Hostel accommodation fee tripled from N30 per session to N90. (Ironically, it was still N90 in 1989 when I enrolled at the University of Lagos).

Like I said, never introduce a privilege that you cannot sustain. Be ready for war if you want to withdraw it. University students, under the auspices of the National Union of Nigerian Students (NUNS), rejected the reduction of these subsidies and embarked on a nationwide protest, unforgettably tagged “Ali Must Go” (or, comically, “Ali Mungo”). The students demanded the resignation of Col Ahmadu Ali, then minister of education, because of the astronomical fee increases. At the end of the protests, which the military and police tried to suppress, there were at least eight dead bodies. That did not change anything as Obasanjo insisted the increases were necessary.

Lesson No 2: adjustment is no child’s play. As most Nigerian leaders have discovered in the last 50 years, it is easier to maintain the status quo than to disrupt it. Most African countries do not subsidise energy consumption. As soon as oil and gas prices change in the international market, citizens expect adjustments in energy prices: petrol, diesel, electricity and all. There is nothing to debate. Ghanaians and Togolese are not poorer than Nigerians yet they pay the market prices for energy. The difference is that Nigerians have successfully given petrol a political status. We buy yams, beans and tomatoes at market prices but treat petrol as a political entitlement. Yes, since 1977.

Adjusting prices and fees has become a perennial problem for both the government and the citizens. The government is always reluctant, or even scared, to make changes because they know the street can catch fire. The default response of the citizens, who are perpetually under economic pressure, is to resist any attempt to adjust prices and fees. The fact is that we are not used to it. It is not in our culture. Nigerians who migrated abroad are seeing the realities of price adjustments, although they console themselves with the fact that “we can see what the government is doing with the money”. Very well. People-led accountability is a democratic culture we also have to imbibe as Nigerians.

Lesson No 3: delayed adjustment comes with even more pains. When President Muhammadu Buhari came to office in 2015, two things were begging for attention: the exchange rate — which had become glaringly unsustainable with falling oil income — and petrol subsidy (please note that government stopped subsiding other fuels ages ago). The exchange rate was N197/$ while petrol was N87/litre. Buhari was reluctant to move the needle for one reason: the inflationary impact on millions of poor Nigerians. While that was considered socio-politically expedient, the economy was the worse for it. Some of the adjustments came rather late in the day and then stalled at some point.

By the time President Bola Tinubu assumed office in May 2023, he was faced with three tough options. One, retain the suicidal status quo and risk a return to the 1984-scale crisis when we started queuing up to buy rice and milk because of FX crunch and falling revenue. Two, adjust gradually, although there is a risk of getting mixed results. Three, go full blast, with the attendant short-term pains and long-term gains. Tinubu gave us the impression that he went full blast, but all I can see around me is chaos. It is glaring that there was no plan and his government is just making things up per time. The PR machine is doing very well — I give them credit for that — but I think we are stuck.

Nevertheless, the basis of my argument today — after watching that beautiful documentary produced by Ademola Adedoyin and Zik Zulu Okafor — is that the introduction of fuel subsidy in 1977 has hurt us more than we think. We created a culture of privilege that will be extremely hard to discard. Also, our failures to adjust to new realities in several areas of public expenditure since the oil boom era will continue to hurt us if we don’t change course. If we were adjusting where and when necessary all along, we would not need to be facing sudden killer shocks all the time. We have gone too deep into the abyss. We need a miraculous reorientation to be able to change our ways.

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

EFCC VS BELLO

The American International School Abuja (AISA) has refunded the fees paid for the children of Mr Yahaya Bello, according to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). Bello, the former governor of Kogi state who is engaged in a running media drama with the commission, allegedly paid $760,910 in advance as fees for five of his children from the coffers of Kogi state. However, by a previous court ruling in the case of Chief James Ibori, the ex-governor of Delta state, the money will now have to be returned to Kogi state. And the current governor of Kogi state is Mr Usman Ododo, who was handpicked and installed by Bello. Are you thinking what I am thinking? Rebound.

MEDIA MENTOR

When I was studying mass communication at the University of Lagos, the common joke at the department was that those who wanted to specialise in journalism would die poor and those who wanted to make money should go into PR and advertising (PRAD). Mr Azu Ishiekwene, who has seen it all as a reporter, writer, editor and publisher, has a better story to tell the current and future generations in his book, ‘Writing for Media and Monetising It’, published by Premium Times Books and due for release anytime soon. It is the basics of journalism and media entrepreneurship. I have received an advance copy and I am currently unlearning and relearning journalism. Reinvention.

GOOD NIGHT, MALLAM

Mallam Abdul Ndubuisi Okwechime, the journalist who came into limelight in 1986 for daring the devil to interview Lawrence Anini, then Nigeria’s most wanted armed robber, abruptly drew his last breath on April 19, 2024. He was my friend despite being my senior in age. We met in 1998 when he spearheaded the media campaign of the late Alhaji MD Yusufu, who was a presidential aspirant. I was recently on the phone with Mallam Abdul, who had suddenly fallen ill. He encouraged me to always call rather than send texts because he was finding it difficult recognising alphabets. I was devastated. I didn’t know the worst was still coming. May God comfort his loved ones. Painful.

NO COMMENT

Trust Nigeria to always provide premium content. On Wednesday, 118 inmates escaped from the Medium Security Custodial Centre in Suleja, Niger state. According to the Nigeria Correctional Service (NCoS), a rainfall ravaged parts of the prison and brought down the walls. The NCoS used the opportunity to cry out that the prison walls are generally weak because they were built — now you won’t want to believe this — during the colonial era. Nigeria gained independence from colonial rule 63 years ago and, in fact, we are still making use of a facility that was probably built 70 years ago without improving the structure. Is it because powerful people are not in that jail? Wonderful.

On many fronts, America is showcasing the many burdens and benefits of democracy. Most Washington politicians are united in their support for Israel. But out  on the streets, many Americans are opposed to  Israel’s raging genocidal onslaught on Gaza and other Palestinian enclaves.  While Congress had little trouble approving a further $20 billion in military aid to Israel, there is anger on the streets and mostly on university campuses. Opposition to the naked aggression against Palestinians has united the American streets and campuses against political Washington. A gale of anti-semitic  protests has recently endangered lives and interests associated with Israel. This has now been followed by a whirlwind of campus protests all over America and even beyond.

In American courts, Donald Trump has kept the judiciary busy with legal arguments which now sound more like staged one-man campaign talk shows. The court appearances for Trump’s multitude of criminal and civil transgressions have become opportunities for a rehash of his boring campaign messaging. In a sense, Trump and his advisers are testing the legal limits of liberal democracy. It is all about trying to justify the right of an authoritarian demagogue to impose his private ambition on America’s long established democratic institutions and traditions. Simply put, a political deviant  and serial transgressor wants to return as president. Twice impeached, severally accused of infractions ranging from campaign fund malfeasance to dubious business records and dodgy book keeping, Mr. Trump insists on his entitlement to the throne.  Whichever way the legal outcomes go, a lot of issues in American democracy  are likely to come under severe test with each verdict in Trump’s litany of court cases.

By far the more concerning  issue in the United States now is the series of pro-Palestinian protests and demonstrations now sweeping through the campuses of American universities. These are not just ordinary universities.  They are mostly Ivy League universities. From Colombia to Yale, from Harvard to New York University,  UCLA, University of Southern California to University of Pennsylvania, and Emory University, large groups of students of diverse nationalities have trooped out daily to protest against Israel’s violation of the rights of the Palestinian people in its prolonged war on Gaza and other Palestinian enclaves. 

So far, the protests have disrupted normal academic and other activities on the various campuses. The police have made numerous arrests of the protesters in a bid to restore normalcy. Some of the universities have opted for closure and discontinuation of academic activities to avoid the protests degenerating into violent encounters and disruptions.

The pro-Palestinian protests have multiple implications for America’s democratic culture. The right to freedom of association and expression remains inviolable. But the responsibility of the political  leadership to pursue foreign and domestic policies in line with the national interest are sacrosanct. The students have a right to protest actions and policies of government that run counter to their convictions. Normal civility demands that such protests should not be violent or infringe on the rights of those who do not share these convictions to go about their business.

In the affected campuses, however,  the groundswell of these protests have been so huge that no normal academic and social activities can proceed on these campuses. While police and law enforcement have a responsibility to maintain law and order and protect the rights of students who may not share the beliefs and convictions of the protesters or want to join the protests, the scope and spread of the protests indicate a clear political line on the part of the student population. While no one expects the protesters to have carry the day, it is also true that no responsible political establishment can ride rough shod on the feelings of such a large body of protesters.

Throughout American history, the university campuses have served as theatres for the expression of political views and beliefs that often run counter to the political temper of Washington. On the Vietnam war, on Civil rights, on Black Lives Matter, on police brutality and systemic racism and variety of other sensitive public issues, the University campuses in the United states have consistently indicated an independent line of thinking that often runs counter to the main current of official Washington. Through these protests and demonstrations, the university campuses have been able, over time , to pressure politicians in Washington to at least listen to contrary views. At critical moments, such protests have succeeded in getting the government to reconsider aspects of foreign and domestic policy.

Already, some key politicians from Washington have visited a number of protesting campuses to appeal for calm and press home their perspective. The students have however stood their grounds, just as the  pro-Israeli politicians have pressed their arguments. It is not likely that any argument will be strong enough to justify the long standing oppression of the Palestinians especially the blockage of their right to a free and independent homeland.

The present scene on America’s university campuses is reminiscent of happier days on Nigeria’s university campuses. There was a time from the immediate post independence days to the days of military rule when Nigerian university campuses served as the catalyst of social and political ideas for national unity and progress. For instance, it was Nigerian students at the University of Ibadan who staged massive protests  to compel the newly independent Nigerian government  against signing a defence pact with the departing British colonial government.

In the days of military dictatorship,  Nigerian university students served as the remaining voice of democratic instincts. Students campaigned for the rights of common people, against authoritarian impositions and the habitual arbitrariness of military rule. Students protested against frequent petroleum price increases, against unlawful detentions of opposition figures. When in 1978 General Obasanjo’s education minister, Colonel Ahmadu Ali, tried to increase university tuition frees, in Nigerian universities, students rose in unison during the “Ali Must Go” demonstrations and pressed for his removal from office.

From the 1960s to early 1990s, the Nigerian university campus remained a litmus ground for testing public policies. Political and military leaders sought a certain degree of acceptability among university students and their lecturers. Understandably the Nigerian university campus also became the hotbed of radical ideas. During the ideological polarization of the Cold War era, our universities became a friendly terrain for radical  progressive anti bourgeois ideas. This led to an understandable radicalization of student union politics and even the politics of organized unionism among academics. The National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) became an arrowhead of radical student unionism. These were the origins of ASUU’s aggressive trade unionism which has largely survived to recent times.

There was consequently a certain unanimity of perspectives on national issues among students in campuses all over the country. From Ife to Nsukka, from University of Ibadan to Ahmadu Bello University, from Port Harcourt to Calabar and Ilorin, Nigerian students and academics were united in their perspectives on military rule, corruption, the plight of the poor and  the commonality of poverty among underprivileged Nigerians.

As undergraduates then, we shared a common ideal of a better nation. We trooped out to protest unkind policies. We faced police truncheons and tear gas and even military jackboots and live bullets. We did not habour these silly divisions along ethnicity, religion and region. We did not despise the poor but fought for the smashing of the chains of poverty. We thought our youth and idealism was enough to transform the country into a happy place for all. For us then, the Nigerian revolution was an achievable and imminent possibility.  Our idealism contrasted with whatever ideas were fueling the policies of politicians and military leaders in Lagos and later Abuja. We held strong views on contemporary issues and most times embraced alternative truths to those of governments of the day.

We took a stand on most domestic and foreign policy issues that were burning central at different times. We took a stand on Southern Africa; on independence for Zimbabwe, Namibia and Angola. We vehemently stood shoulder to shoulder with the Murtala and Obasanjo governments on Apartheid. We stood with the world on the Palestinian struggle and the heroic stance of the then Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) of Yasser Arafat.

Key politicians understood the crucial place of the campus as a vital platform  for the galvanization and aggregation of ideas for national development. Key politicians therefore often chose to deliver the annual Convocation lectures of the various key universities as a way of generating novel ideas for the development of the nation. Such strategic lectures also served as means of bridging the distance between town and gown and as praxis in the struggle for a better society.

It would be recalled that at the height of the debate of how best to accommodate the military in future power arrangements, Nigeria’s first President Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe used the opportunity of the convocation lecture at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka,  to advocate the theory of Diarchy as a power sharing arrangement between civilian politicians and military leaders. Similarly, Chief Obafemi Awolowo used one of the convocation lectures at Ife to question the efficacy of fruitless probes of past governments as an anti corruption tool. Those were the glorious days of the Nigerian university campus. Then they were universities. There were scholars, patriotic students and as Achebe lamented, there was once a nation.

In today’s Nigeria, the campus is virtually dead either as a centre of national consciousness or an incubator of new ideas. The universities have died as cultural laboratories or as the breeding ground of a responsible national elite. The Nigerian university campus has died as a centre of serious positive thinking or purposive national action for progress. In place of fiery nationalism and idealism, we now have a student unionism that apes and imitates the decadent  culture of our nasty politics.

Contest for NANS leadership has become a sad replica of the politics of ‘stomach infrastructure’ and  money bazaars. When elected into office, the leadership of our students unions want to drive huge SUVs like Abuja politicians. They  appoint innumerable personal aides with nomenclatures borrowed from our wasteful national political culture and idiom. The broad mass of our students are now united by cultism, cyber crimes, bloody rituals and killer squads in a hunt for human body parts for ritual.

Our student population has degenerated into conclaves of cults, cyber crimes and a descent into the dark precincts of  occultism , witchcraft and ritual. Places established to pursue enlightenment and modernism have now become covens of modern day witches and ritual murderers. At other times, the only language that flies around our campuses is that of quick mega cash fuelled by the hunger for designer clothing, outrageous automobiles and luxury mansions. Every undergraduate aspires to become an internet ‘influencer’, stage musician, naked model or narcotics courier irrespective of the courses they are registered to study.

Among the academics themselves, we now have serial racketeering for contracts, a thriving trade of blackmail of ‘sex for marks’. Professors are now standing trial for openly blackmailing their female students into sexual rumps sometimes in open offices. The deployment of juju and cultism for promotions and appointments have replaced the previous dedication to merit, national good and the pursuit of academic excellence.

As America’s university campuses continue to witness a wave of protests of universal moral condemnation of America’s support for Israel’s systematic genocide in Palestine, we need to look again at what has killed the Nigerian university. 

Three ugly forces have invaded our university campuses: dark money, bad politics and godless religion. To rescue our universities and redirect them back to being factors of national unity, progress and progressive development, we require a political leadership with the will to chase away and neutralize this trinity of negativity.

I prefer celebrating people while alive. I have done this for decades. I will continue to celebrate the living. The dead hears no tributes or eulogies. Where death however steals a match on us, clanging its filthy manacles as a hideous monster, we must conquer and mock it by remembering our dead heroes. Dr. Christopher Ogbonnaya Onu was such an hero. I mourn him. He was a distinguished Statesman of rare breed who espoused the ideals of democracy in his private and public life.

News of the transition of Dr Onu, the first civilian Governor of old Abia State, Dr. Christopher Ogbonnaya Onu, came as a rude shock to millions of ordinary Nigerians. It was just his political associates, friends and family that were shocked; I was one of them. And with good reason too. Dr. Onu was an uncommon sagacious politician with a difference. He was an advocate of politics without bitterness – in the mould of one of the most principled leaders of the 2^nd Republic, the late Alhaji Ibrahim Waziri, the erstwhile presidential candidate of the defunct Great Nigeria Peoples Party (GNPP). To that extent, the late Dr. Onu was exceptional, as there has been few of his kind in the violence-prone political landscape of Nigeria. Not for him the cut-throat methods and win-at-all-costs mentality of the average Nigerian politician, especially at his level. No. By all accounts (from the deluge of encomiums showered on him), Dr. Onu was a gentleman par excellence who loved people and humanity. He played by the rules of the game of life with love towards all and malice towards none.

I have never heard anyone speak evil or any unkind word about this renowned engineer and man of Spartan-like discipline and high rectitude. He was an exemplar of a human being; an excellent role model and indeed, something of an avatar. Debonaire, suave and graceful, with a smile perpetually planted on his feminine face, Onu meant many positive things to different people. Beyond all that, Dr. Onu was a very brilliant mind and an outstanding academic, researcher and scholar. This was amply demonstrated when he graduated with a first-class degree in Chemical Engineering from the University of Lagos in 1976. He followed this four years with a doctorate degree in the same field from the famous University of California, at Berkeley, USA. Upon his return to Nigeria, Dr. Onu lectured at the University of Port Harcourt, where he became the pioneer head of that institution’s Department of Chemical Engineering. He subsequently acted as the Dean of the University’s Engineering Faculty.

But, it was outside academics – in politics – that Dr. Onu spectacularly made his mark and excelled. He emerged as the pioneer Governor of the old Abia State in 1992. On the return to civil rule under the present dispensation, Dr. Onu was elected the Presidential candidate of the erstwhile All Peoples Party (APP); but he calmly conceded it to the party’s eventual flag bearer in the election, Dr. Olu Falae. This was sequel to the horse trading between the then APP and the Alliance for Democracy (AD). Onu was not embittered. He was not the type to flex muscles over a mere political office.

Throughout his exemplary career, Dr. Onu was known for his deep love for equity, fairness, justice, national unity, cohesion, peace and progress. He also believed in youth empowerment and in nurturing another generation of leaders (the “Generation-Next”).

The handsome and calm, red-cap wearing politician was a technocrat in government. But, he never forgot nor forsook his friends. He demonstrated this to me in 2016. I had launched one of my books – “Zoning to Unzone: The Politics of Power and the Power of Politics in Nigeria”. He attended my book launch at the Yar’ Adua Centre, Abuja. He stayed on throughout the duration of the over 6-hour book presentation. Many of my supposed friends in the then Buhari government shunned the event. They did not want to associate with me – a die-hard critic of their Emperor-President Muhammadu Buhari government and its failing, wobbly, fumbling and dawdling style. Many of them were scared associating with me, lest they be upbraided and witch-hunted by the array of hovering hawks in the government. But not for Dr. Ogbonnaya. He stayed on. He showed undiluted friendship and brotherhood as a principled detribalized Nigerian, irrespective of possible adverse consequences to his office. Where are those dodgy bootlickers; fawners and ego masseurs who polluted the Buhari government today? They are gone with the wind and into historical oblivion. Ha! The ephemerality of power (Read Ozekhome –https://penpushers.com.ng /amp/nigerian-leaders-and-the-ephemerality-of-power/; June 6, 2023; https://realnewsmagazine.net/nigerian-leaders-and-the-ephemerality-of-power-part-2/July -31, 2023; https://www.tell.ng/magu-the-ephemerality-of-power-mike-ozekhome-san/?amp, July 8, 2020. 

Dr Onu’s hard work, dedication, commitment and patriotism did not go unrecognized as he was appointed by President Muhammed Buhari in 2015 as the Minister of Science and Technology. He held this position until 2022, when he resigned to contest the ruling party’s presidential ticket. He lost to the eventual winner of the election, current President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. In leaving his comfort zone to stake that presidential claim, Dr. Onu was motivated not by personal aggrandizement, but by the desire to serve his people – to ensure that his highly marginalized ethnic group – the Igbos – were given a fair chance to seek the Presidency of this country. This is something that has all along eluded the Igbos. His sadness when he lost out prompted the emotion– tinged rhetorical question he asked on announcement of the results of the party’s primary election: “Where is the justice?” Let me join Onu in asking this all-important question: where is the justice in our electoral system today? Where is the justice in Nigeria?.

CONCLUSION

Dr. Onu has gone. But he would be remembered by Nigerians for being more than the sum of his parts. He was an uncommon human being who believed and espoused the nobility of man: a belief that we can transcend our differences and not be defined by them; that we can disagree without being disagreeable; that we are at our best when we sheath our swords – and, indeed, turn them into ploughshares; that there must be a handshake across the Niger and Benue rivers. Nigerians and Nigeria will miss his Nationalist. Let me bid Onu farewell till we meet again on resurrection day with the following quote authored by William Shakespeare in Julius Caesar (Act 5 Scene 5): “His life was gentle; and the elements so mixed in him, that nature might stand up And say to all the world, This was a man”. Fare thee well, my dear friend and brother. Sleep in the Lord’s warm bossom till we meet again to part no more. Amen.  

Responding to former Senate President and Chairman of the Board of Trustees (BoT) of the main opposition Peoples Democratic Party, (PDP), Senator Adolphus Wabara’s vow that any attempt by the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), to turn Nigeria into a one-party state, would be vigorously resisted.

In response, Mr Osita Okechukwu foundation member of APC, stated unequivocally that the blame game dished out to APC by Distinguished Senator Adolphus Wabara and Co who dug the grave of the PDP is misplaced in all materials particular.

He maintained that as long as the nemesis of Wabara and Co’s deliberate crass breach of presidential rotation convention between north and south, albeit PDP’s Constitution; namely Obi’s Labour Party, Kwankwaso’s NNPP and Wike’s Masquerade are alive and breathing, with open arms admitting defector-exits from PDP, there is no valid fear of one party state in Nigeria.

Wabara’s statement is coming as a former Governor of Imo State, Rt.Hon. Emeka Ihedioha, Minister of State for the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Chief Chuka Odom, and myriads of others resigned their membership from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

Okechukwu maintained that blame game from BOT Chairman is no solution provider, therefore PDP should earnestly introspect on how best to pick the pieces of the party that is dangerously sinking.

He said that instead of careful introspection of its bleeding ailments and how to fix Obi and Kwankwaso’s exit and its troubled Wike’s Masquerade, plus imbibing the best tenets of internal democracy devoid of breach of the zoning convention, extant laws, planlessness and squandermania; the PDP most times arrogantly hauled unnecessary blame game on the APC.

“My understanding from our elder statesman’s vituperation is that PDP may not even recover in August after the ward, LGA, and State congresses and national convention; when they failed abinitio to embark on careful introspection to examine the root causes of Obi and Kwankwaso’s exit, especially Wike’s Masquerade which led a party that boasted of 60 years uninterrupted reign to woeful failure in 2023 presidential election. Truly PDP needs soul searching to make amends, rather than sweeping its troubled faction under the carpet.” Okechukwu quipped.

It could be recalled that the PDP after its much publicised NWC, National Caucus, BOT, Governors Forum and National Executive Council meetings at Abuja on Wednesday, 18 April, 2024, issued a blank communiqué and had been lambasting the APC.