Prominent Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) member, Otunba Segun Sowunmi, has firmly defended the right of former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, to pursue his presidential ambition, dismissing criticisms tied to the number of times Atiku has contested in past elections.

Atiku, who has made multiple attempts at the presidency, ran twice under the PDP platform, losing to the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidates, Muhammadu Buhari in 2019 and Bola Tinubu in 2023.

As the political landscape gradually shifts toward the 2027 presidential election, debate has intensified regarding Atiku’s continued interest.

Critics argue that the 78-year-old veteran politician should allow younger candidates to emerge. However, Sowunmi considers these arguments misplaced.

Speaking in an interview with Vanguard, Sowunmi dismissed the suggestion that Atiku should bow out of the presidential race, asserting that the decision to contest is personal and constitutionally protected.

“The first thing people must understand is that a lot of suggestions, persuasion, argument, pressure, and bullies come into play in politics, but whether any human being will contest any election is purely the rights granted to them by the constitution and according to the platforms of the party,” he said.

Rather than strategising how to unseat the ruling party, Sowunmi said many Nigerians have instead focused on attempting to pressure Atiku into quitting, an effort he insists will not succeed.

“So what I find a little bit curious is that instead of people to talk about how they win the or even how they’re going to win the general election they have devoted too much time into trying to bully a man that cannot be bullied. I know very well if anybody tries to bully him, you basically does only to make him more resolute in his position” the PDP chieftain added.

He emphasised that the right to contest is not only Atiku’s constitutional prerogative, but also a matter for the party structures, including zoning, as enshrined in their constitution and that of the country.

“What law would you use to prevent somebody from contesting an election when we have even created laws to say anybody who wants to contest is free to contest,” Sowunmi queried.

Reflecting on Atiku’s long history in Nigerian politics, he noted that his previous attempts were part of a healthy democratic process, where individuals can pursue elective office regardless of past outcomes.

“He has contested primary tickets in parties before that he didn’t win, and he has also contested primary tickets in parties that he has won. He contested in 1992, he didn’t get the ticket at that time in SDP.

“In 2007, he won under he won the ticket under AC, or ACN I can’t remember. In 2011, he tried to do it under the PDP, he didn’t really get the ticket. In 2015, he contested under the APC, he didn’t get the ticket. So, what I’m trying to say in essence is that, don’t let us put too much energy on depriving people of their rights,” he concluded.

[NaijaNews]

A man, convinced his wife was unfaithful, visited a village juju man for answers. The diviner demanded sand from the man’s yard for a ritual. Two weeks later, the man returned with the sample. After incantations, the juju man revealed shocking truths: the man’s children were not his, his daughter was entangled with five men, and his wife carried his brother’s child. Instead of despair, the man laughed. He confessed he’d forgotten his own soil and dug sand from the juju man’s compound. The diviner’s horrified cry—“JESUS CHRIST!”—echoed the irony: the rot was not just in one home, but in the very ground of the “healer” himself.

This allegory mirrors Kenya and Nigeria—two nations where citizens and leaders alike dig into each other’s “compounds,” blaming systemic decay on the other, only to find corruption, debt, and disillusionment are shared burdens. Their stories, separated by geography but united by post-colonial paradoxes, reveal a haunting truth: the poison is not “out there” but in the soil beneath their feet.

Kenya drives on the left, Nigeria on the right—a superficial distinction masking deeper parallels. Kenya’s British colonial legacy left a Westminster-style democracy and tea plantations; Nigeria’s amalgamation of British and French influences birthed a fractured federalism and oil dependency. Yet both nations inherited extractive institutions designed to serve foreign masters, now repurposed by local elites.

The traffic norms symbolize this dissonance. Kenya’s $3.2 billion Chinese-built Standard Gauge Railway, envisioned as a “path to modernity,” now bleeds $100 million annually, its debt repaid by taxing diapers and schoolbooks. Nigeria’s 4,000km coastal highway project, launched with fanfare in 2023, has displaced thousands while contractors vanish with advance payments. Citizens in both countries navigate potholed roads, literal and metaphorical, as leaders prioritize vanity projects over functional infrastructure.

Kenya’s debt-to-GDP ratio nears 70%, with Chinese loans consuming 67% of revenue. Nigeria’s $130 billion debt drowns its $24 billion oil earnings. Both nations now sacrifice education and healthcare to service obligations. Kenya spends $5 billion yearly on debt repayment—triple its health budget. Nigeria allocates 97% of 2023 revenue to debt servicing, leaving 3% for 220 million people.

The bitter irony? These loans, sold as “development,” vanish into private vaults. Kenya’s Eurobond scandals saw $4 billion disappear into offshore accounts. Nigeria recycled the Abacha loot recovery ($505 million) into another scam: officials repackaged repatriated funds as “infrastructure investments,” only to re-loot them. As a Lagos trader lamented, “Our leaders eat today, tomorrow, and the day after—while we starve in eternal yesterday.”

Kenya’s William Ruto and Nigeria’s Bola Tinubu rose to power on populist promises. Ruto, a self-styled “hustler,” vowed to uplift the poor but imposed taxes on bread and smartphones, sparking Gen-Z protests under #RejectFinanceBill2024. Tinubu, a former activist, canceled petrol subsidies without warning, spiking inflation to 33% and earning the nickname “Agbado” (a Yoruba term mocking his out-of-touch elitism).

Both leaders preach austerity while legislators feast. Kenyan MPs earn $12,000 monthly—52 times the minimum wage—and Nigeria’s Senate president with public funds has an entourage that will take you to heaven. Ruto’s allies face graft probes over $15 million fertilizer subsidies; Tinubu’s cabinet includes ministers indicted for embezzlement. The message is clear: politics is a buffet, not public service.

Corruption isn’t incidental—it’s systemic. Kenya’s Goldenberg scandal (1990s) saw $1 billion stolen via fake gold exports. Anglo-Leasing (2000s) siphoned $800 million through phantom security contracts. Nigeria’s NNPC became a kleptocratic hydra: $20 billion vanished under former Minister Diezani Alison-Madueke, while “subsidy cabals” invoice the state for fuel never delivered.

Citizens enable this decay. Kenyan police extort $200 million annually at roadblocks; Nigerian officials demand bribes for birth certificates. A Lagos businessman shrugged: “If I don’t pay, someone else will. The system eats everyone.”

Kenya’s median age is 20, Nigeria’s 18—demographics that could catalyze renewal or chaos. Kenya’s #RejectFinanceBill2024 protests, led by Gen Zs on TikTok, forced Ruto to scrap the bill. Nigeria’s #EndSARS movement (2020) saw youths dismantle police brutality networks, only to be crushed by state violence.

Yet disillusionment festers. Kenya’s 5% unemployment masks underemployment: graduates hawk trinkets in Nairobi’s Kibera slum. Nigeria’s 33% jobless rate fuels exodus—75% of medical interns plan to emigrate. Those who stay join gangs or extremists: Kenya’s Al-Shabaab recruits in coastal poverty; Nigeria’s bandit warlords rule forests, taxing villages and kidnapping students.

Insecurity binds both nations. Kenya’s 2013 Westgate Mall attack (67 dead) and Nigeria’s Chibok girls abduction (276 kidnapped) are symbols of state failure. Bandits kill 5,000 Nigerians yearly; Kenya’s cattle rustling escalates into ethnic massacres. Security budgets vanish: Nigeria’s ex-army chief Tukur Buratai allegedly stole $2.2 billion meant for weapons, while Kenya’s police chief lives in a $12 million mansion amid cop barracks infested with rats.

The parable’s conclusion—that rot permeates the healer’s own soil—poses a question: Can poisoned systems be redeemed? Kenya’s tech innovators (e.g., M-Pesa) and Nigeria’s cultural power (Afrobeats, Nollywood) hint at dormant potential. But transformation requires digging up entrenched rot.

Kenya must confront land grabs by political dynasties and audit Chinese debt. Nigeria needs to dismantle oil mafias and invest in renewables. Citizens must reject tribal politics: Kenya’s ethnic voting birthed post-election violence in 2007; Nigeria’s North-South divide fuels marginalization.

As the juju man screamed for divine intervention, so must these nations. The road ahead demands more than switching driving sides—it requires accountability at all levels. Kenya’s youth must channel digital prowess into governance; Nigeria’s creatives should weaponize art for activism.

The man’s laughter—a mix of irony and despair—echoes from Nairobi’s Mathare slum to Lagos’s Makoko floating village. It asks: Will we keep digging in each other’s yards, or till our own soil? Until then, the wheels spin, the debts mount, and the future hangs on a question only time can answer.

Values play a significant role when adopting learning approaches by individuals during their studies. Values are the baseline of the ethical compass and regulate people’s daily behavior. Values establish the ultimate goals one has to achieve and how to get them. Values guide every decision-making process. Values help someone define what is proper, correct, important, beautiful, worthwhile, or desirable.

In essence, the “Results that Exposed our Values” can be interpreted in a few ways, all pointing to how our values are revealed through the outcomes of our actions and experiences. These outcomes can be in our academics, personal, professional, or even societal, and they can be positive or negative. Ultimately, they highlight the importance of our values in shaping how we live and interact with the world.

Unwittingly, the manifestation of our values is seen in our actions, behaviors, and attitudes. It’s also reflected in how we cherish or admire certain values, and in the principles and standards that guide our interactions with others, both individually and within society. Values are manifested in society by the collective actions of people in society.

Essentially, one of the things that plague our society is false value; there are numerous moralistic fault-finders with tremendously laughable superiority complexes based off defeatist attitudes of exalting existing in one’s exploitation or weakness, and parasitic proselytization of communal values.

Following from the above, the recently released JAMB results have generated a lot of hullabaloo for the simple reason that failure is staring us in the face. We are crying wolf where there’s none, because the unfolding scenario is long expected. More than 1.5 million candidates representing about 78 per cent- who sat for the 2025 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) scored below 200 out of the 400 obtainable points.

For the avoidance of doubt, this monumental failure in JAMB examinations can be attributed to a combination of factors, including inadequate preparation, poor time management, lack of familiarity with the exam format, and exam anxiety. Technical issues during the exam, such as computer glitches, may have also contributed to lower scores. Additionally, some students may choose to pursue education abroad or in private universities, potentially leading to a calculated failure in the UTME.

In reality however, the previous year 2024 was slightly better. According to the JAMB Registrar, Prof. Ishaq Oloyede, 1,402,490 candidates scored below 200 out of the possible 400 marks. That is a whopping 76 percent of the candidates not scoring up to 50 percent of the marks. It has thus become an annual ritual, for the nation to be regaled with the record of performances of candidates who have been compelled to undertake a national examination in order to qualify to be admitted to study in a university.

The million-dollar question:

As parents; school teachers, school owners, examiners, invigilator and the larger society. Where did we get it wrong? Did we all failed?

Let’s examine how we got to this point:

• Is it the deterioration in adequate nutritional balance critical for cognitive capabilities of students?

• Is it the issue of underfunded schools which shows in the structures until roofs caved in.?

• Is it that of hungry and unqualified teachers in our schools?

• Is it that of unsuitable policies in our system?

• So, the critical questions arises, it should spark national conversation. Is this how we are going to raised “tomorrow’s leaders”?

• This is certainly our collective faults if in some years to come our children becomes the engineer who builds collapsing bridges; the doctor who kills patients and the leader who embezzled billions. Definitely, this is not the future we envisioned.

We all need to accept responsibility and act with intention. This is a timely reminder that transforming EDUCATION is not just about policy—it’s about people, purpose, and shared values.

Conclusively, it is worrisome, this is the time to revisit and mitigate the potential failure as we key into the benefits of the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR). It is important to begin by prioritizing the aspect of Technical and vocational Education and Training (TVET), which is crucial to the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) as it equips individuals with the practical skills, lifelong learning and knowledge which could become the game-changer and rebuild trust in our education system and prepare our youths for a future with opportunity and innovation. Specifically, ‘TVET’ plays a key role in providing a workforce with the right competencies for the 4IR, in this era of global industrialization.

Finally, as we jointly confront the failed system, the critical question that arises should become our focus instead of rallying on paper qualifications over and above skill development. Because there’s a complex relationship between educational outcomes and the values that shape our society. Therefore, the 2025 JAMB results are more than just statistics—they serve as a mirror reflecting broader systemic issues, ethical dilemmas and social attitudes.

There is no denying the fact that Minister Nyesom Wike is a man of strong opinions and commanding presence. But his recent assertion that anyone who criticizes President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration for non-performance is “blind” reeks of insensitivity, arrogance, and sheer political elitism. It is even more insulting when such a declaration is made from the comfort of his privileged position as Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), a role that has obviously placed him within the inner corridors of presidential largesse.

Let us be blunt: Wike is not in a position to dictate how over 200 million Nigerians should feel or speak about the hardship they are enduring. That he is benefitting handsomely from his ministerial appointment does not mean the average Nigerian is experiencing the same “first-class” comfort. It is easy for a man cruising in a bulletproof convoy, signing off multi-billion naira infrastructure contracts, and posing for cameras at commissioning ceremonies to sing praises of a government many see as failing them. But Wike must remember, Nigerians do not eat flyovers, cook streetlights, or spend interchanges in the market.

Given the minister’s vituperations in this context, it is not an exaggeration to opine that there is a disconnect between the elites and the masses.  The foregoing view can be understood by dissecting Wike’s remark with brutal honesty. He said, “Mr President has given first-class infrastructure to Abuja. All of you can attest to the fact that indeed, Abuja has changed… I don’t see why anybody would say that Mr. President has not done well, except that you are just blind.”

This is not just a tone-deaf statement; it is deeply offensive. It dismisses the lived experiences of millions of Nigerians who have seen their lives spiral into deeper poverty since May 29, 2023. These are not blind people, they are battered people. Nigerians are seeing clearly, and what they see is not infrastructure, they see hunger, joblessness, inflation, insecurity, and hopelessness.

Wike’s gleeful emphasis on Abuja’s shiny new roads and interchanges is insulting when the average Nigerian cannot afford a bag of rice, cannot fuel their car, cannot pay their children’s school fees, and cannot even afford a simple medical bill. Wike is speaking from the rarefied air of political power, but he forgets that the air down here is choking many Nigerians with economic despair.

Let us be clear, no rational Nigerian will argue against infrastructural development. Roads, bridges, water supply, and public buildings are necessary components of national development. However, they are long-term assets that must complement immediate, people-centered policies aimed at alleviating hardship. Building a 10-lane expressway in Abuja while citizens are unable to afford garri in Gboko or onions in Onitsha is not democracy, it is misalignment of priorities.

Wike, like many of his peers, falls into the trap of measuring governance solely by physical infrastructure. But governance is more than concrete and asphalt, it is about the daily quality of life of the people. If infrastructure is booming but hunger is also booming, then something is terribly wrong.

What good is a new interchange in Gishiri to a family that has not had electricity for weeks in Kaduna? What impact does the International Conference Centre renovation have on a trader in Aba who is drowning in debt due to forex instability? And how do the residents of Osogbo benefit from Wike’s much-celebrated water projects in Abuja? These are the uncomfortable questions Wike and the ruling elite refuse to engage with.

One of the greatest red flags of any administration is when its officials begin to attack or gaslight citizens for expressing their pain. Wike calling critics “blind” because they do not see Abuja’s transformation is not just contemptuous, it is dangerous. In a democracy, people have the right to speak, to protest, and to disagree with those in power.

Is Wike suggesting that suffering Nigerians should keep quiet simply because some roads are being built in the capital? Is he telling market women, struggling artisans, underpaid civil servants, and jobless graduates that their voices do not matter? Is this what he thinks governance is, a one-way show of praise and silence?

By calling dissenters “blind,” Wike has taken a page out of the playbook of autocrats who suppress criticism rather than addressing it. But Nigeria is not a monarchy, and he is not the emperor of Abuja. Nigerians will speak, because they are hungry, angry, and disillusioned. And no amount of paint on Abuja’s curbsides will silence them.

Wike must understand that his privileged access to national wealth does not reflect the reality of ordinary Nigerians. He may wake up to a breakfast of imported croissants and government-sponsored convenience, but many Nigerians wake up not knowing where their next meal will come from.

He may commission projects with fanfare and brag about “dividends of democracy,” but in towns and villages across the country, people are asking why fuel is nearly ₦900 per liter. They are asking why the naira is losing value like a leaking basket. They are asking why the minimum wage still stands at ₦70,000 while a bag of rice is almost ₦80,000.

If this is what Wike calls good governance, then perhaps he needs a refresher course in public administration. The dividends of democracy are not meant to be limited to the capital city or to those who have political appointments, they are meant to be felt by the security guard in Warri, the teacher in Sokoto, the seamstress in Ilorin, and the farmer in Otukpo.

Wike’s arrogant reference to “blindness” must also be addressed. Nigerians are not blind. In fact, their eyes are wide open. They see the corruption. They see the misplaced priorities. They see the opulence of those in power. They see the hardship that deepens by the day. If anything, it is the government and its cronies that have chosen to be blind, to the pain of the people, to the hunger on the streets, and to the cries of the forgotten.

So let us turn the tables: who is truly blind here? The man who speaks truth to power from the trenches of poverty, or the man who lives in luxury and mocks the poor for not praising their tormentors?

Minister Wike must be reminded that his duty is to serve, not to scold. He is not a king, and Nigerians are not his subjects. The people have every right to criticize Tinubu’s government if they feel it is underperforming. And so far, the only “first-class” experience the average Nigerian has had in the last one year is first-class suffering.

Let Wike continue to unveil his interchanges and commission his roads, but let him do so with humility and a sense of perspective. Nigerians are not asking for too much. They want food, stable electricity, healthcare, jobs, and security. If the government cannot provide these, then no amount of painted curbsides in Abuja will make it right.

In the end, leadership is not about silencing criticism with insults. It is about listening, responding, and improving. Wike should allow Nigerians to express themselves. After all, we do not cook infrastructure, we do not eat flyovers, and we certainly do not need lectures on what we can and cannot see. We are seeing clearly, and what we see is that Nigeria needs more than just ribbon-cutting ceremonies.

And if Wike still insists on accusing the people of being blind, he should remember: the blind may not see, but they can feel, and right now, Nigerians are feeling nothing but pain.

A former Director-General of Voice of Nigeria (VON), Mr Osita Okechukwu, has declared that the All Progressives Grand Alliance’s (APGA) endorsement of President Bola Tinubu re-election in 2027 was a renewal of Zikist Alliance.

Okechukwu, who is a founding member of All Progressives Congress (APC), disclosed this on Sunday in Enugu while addressing journalists on the importance of Anambra State governor, Charles Soludo and APGA’s unanimous pronouncement declaring total support to President Tinubu’s second term bid.

It would be recalled that Governor Soludo had during President Tinubu’s recent official working visit to Anambra State, declared that “APGA has officially adopted President Tinubu.”

“APGA and the All Progressives Congress (APC) would work together during the 2027 election, as both parties share a common belief in progressivism,” Soludo had said.

The APC chieftain welcomed Governor Soludo’s move as strategic renewal of the Zikist Alliance of the 1950s when late Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe was a member of Western House of Assembly and Malam Umaru Altine from Sokoto was elected first Mayor of Enugu City.

He also recalled the NPN/NPP alliance of the Second Republic, which he said, worked perfectly well.

“This is a masterstroke foundation of the Nigeria which need renewal today; instead of ultra-polarisation and ethno-nationalism.

“I salute Governor Soludo, this was my position back in 2003 when we elected Rt. Hon. Chuba Okadigbo as President Buhari’s vice presidential candidate; that Ndigbo (Igbo people) should neither disengage nor put all their eggs in one PDP’s basket.

“This is especially when Ndigbo resides and invests in all the nooks and crannies of our dear country.

“I am not a fan of one party state, it’s antithetical to democracy. For me sincerely, APC doesn’t need one party state to win 2027 General Election.

“All we need is to advance Gross National Happiness. Did not we (members of APC) win 2015, 2019 and 2023 General Elections under multi-party system?” Okechukwu asked.

He noted that Nigeria has over 10 political parties, uncountable tendencies and cannot slide into one party system, albeit “when we reckon that there is a coalition in the making.”

The former VON boss added, “Yes, there’s palpable phobia of one party state, because of dominance of political bandits of stomach infrastructure hue in our landscape.

“However, political bandit is like proverbial Roman god Janus with two faces, I hope I am not vindicated, one is not among those who underrate the opposition and the looming coalition of different tendencies, which may return us into two dominant political parties in multiparty system.”

Reminded that two dominant political parties in multiparty system is impossible when governors, senators and others are all moving into the APC? Okechukwu answered in the affirmative that the state governors were the political warlords on the ground.

“But, don’t forget that the electorate are not quartered in a dormitory, therefore may not sheepishly follow the defectors as assumed.

“My takeaway lesson in my over 40 years in partisan politics is not to rate any gathering as storm in a teacup.

“My candid advice to the leadership of my great party, the APC, is not to rest on the euphoria of the gale of defections. For one anticipates gruesome electioneering campaign in 2027,” Okechukwu added.

[Leadership]

[Guardian]

At least 23 persons have reportedly been killed in a series of coordinated attacks across four Local Government Areas (LGAs) of Benue State.

Daily Trust reports that the affected LGAs include: Guma, Logo, Ukum, and Kwande.

Residents told our correspondent that the latest wave of attacks has forced many to flee their communities, as the attacks had become to frequent.

The witnesses said that nine people were killed in Logo LGA, eight in Ukum, while Guma and Kwande LGAs each recorded three deaths, bringing the total to 23 fatalities.

Speaking to journalists in Makurdi on Saturday, Dr. Ray Anumve, an indigene of Kwande LGA, said the attacks in his locality were perpetrated by armed herdsmen and suspected Jukun militants who stormed several communities in the Turan area on Friday, May 9, 2025.

“Coordinated brutal attacks were carried out by armed herdsmen and suspected Jukun-speaking assailants across multiple locations in Turan, Kwande LGA, resulting in deaths, injuries, and displacement.

“The attackers spoke both Fulfulde and Jukun languages,” Anumve said.

He specifically mentioned that the Mbaav Clan in Mbadura Council Ward, near the Tse Yande compound and Gusa crossing by River Katsina-Ala, came under attack as the assailants crossed the river and ambushed farmers returning from their fields.

Anumve further explained that one of the victims, a farmer identified as Agwei, was killed on the spot, while his brother and son sustained serious injuries and are currently receiving treatment at a clinic in Jato-Aka.

The indigene, who is founder of the Dr. Ray Anumve Foundation, also disclosed that the attackers struck Anwase in the Mkomon area, Mbaikyor Council Ward, where one Iortsor was killed.

He said in a separate incident at Waya in Yaav Council Ward, a motorcycle rider was shot in the stomach, causing his intestines to protrude and that he is currently receiving medical attention at a clinic in Jato-Aka.

According to him, the affected areas have been under frequent assault, with armed invaders reportedly seizing motorcycles from local riders, adding that an earlier attack on the Ikurav-Ya Clan, specifically at Tyuav and Usambe Sha Hua in Liev I Ward, left multiple people dead and properties destroyed.

Anumve noted however that, casualty figures and the extent of property damage are still being compiled by locals and community leaders.

In Ukum LGA, a separate source confirmed that nine persons had been officially declared dead, but noted that more bodies were being discovered in the bush following attacks attributed to armed herdsmen.

The Ukum attack reportedly occurred on the morning of Saturday, May 10, 2025, in Jootar town.

Those killed in the Jootar attack were identified as Jonathan Ordooga, Aondogu Torse, Cheater Torse, Yagba Torse, Tersugh Mbaaiiga, Terhemen Emmanuel, Henenshima Apirgwa, and Orfega Atuku.

Meanwhile, locals said tension has mounted in Guma LGA, where residents fear an impending attack.

A youth identified as Paul told journalists that militias suspected to be armed herdsmen have allegedly mobilised from hideouts in neighborhood state, with plans to invade Yelewata community in Nyiev Council Ward.

Paul said the tension escalated after a youth from the community was attacked with a machete on May 8, and that the victim is currently receiving treatment at a government hospital in Makurdi.

Yelewata is a border town between Guma LGA in Benue State and Giza Development Area of Nasarawa State.

A resident of Guma, who spoke under condition of anonymity due to fear of reprisal, also confirmed that the LGA has been experiencing near-daily attacks.

He said that on May 9, three persons were killed in Ukpiam, Mababai Council Ward, while Umenger in Mbadwem Council Ward was attacked the following day, May 10.

However, he noted that reports on casualties from the Umenger incident were yet to be confirmed just as a woman identified as Helen Nenge from Mbawa Mbanyiar kindred was also attacked on Friday at 4pm, wounded and the sum of N6000 collected from her.

The State Commissioner for Information, Matthew Abo, an indigene of Ukum, confirmed to journalists in Makurdi that that eight farmers were killed on Saturday morning in his home LGA while on their way to the farm.

Abo however could not ascertain those responsible for that latest killing as according to him, apart from armed invasions, there had also been communal crisis in Jootar between the Tiv and Jukun.

Police spokesperson for Benue command, CSP Catherine Anene, had yet to respond to calls or messages put through her telephone for confirmation of the incidents.

[DailyTrust]

…as FUO holds public lecture on immersion programme

Scholars and experts in Arabic studies have said that the Arabic language is a veritable instrument for understanding the scientific and historical perspectives of the world.

The Experts converged on the Fountain University, Osogbo, to discuss the influence of Arabic Language in the contemporary world.

With the event, Fountain University, through its Centre for Arabic and Islamic Research, Translation, and Immersion Programme, has taken a leap forward by externalising its Arabic language teaching through immersion extension.

Speaking at the lecture themed “Arabic-Islamic Scholarship in a Globalised World: Language Immersion, Digital Translation, and Knowledge Democratisation”, Prof. Khidr Abdul Baqi Mohammed stressed the importance of preserving the Arabic language and Islamic knowledge through modern digital tools and global collaboration.

Prof. Khidr noted that without a strong foundation in Arabic, “much of the depth and context of Islamic texts could be lost in translation, especially in the age of AI and digital platforms.” 

In his keynote presentation, a former Director of Linguistics Immersion Centre, University of Ilorin, Prof Taofiq Adebayo, who also emphasised the essence of language immersion programmes, described multilingualism as a hallmark of high culture.

He said, “Immersion is a process of teaching language by surrounding learners with its usage. The only way to develop proficient and competent users of a language is to immerse them in an environment where the language is constantly spoken.

The speakers highlighted the relevance of Arabic beyond Islamic studies.

They reiterated the crucial role the language plays in shaping identity, preserving religious knowledge, and expanding access through technology. 

They posited that Arabic language has a way of connecting the past to the present and the future. 

They contended that the gamut of global historical facts and old scientific evidences upon which the current science thrives, have were adequately documented in Arabic language.

In his opening address, The Director of the Centre, Dr. Ahmed Agbaje said the Centre was poised to serve multiple purposes including providing values young scholars of Islam and Arabic, especially those benefiting from scholarship opportunities in the digital age.

 “The Centre for Arabic and Islamic Research, Translation, and Immersion Programme was conceived as a strategic response to the growing need for contextualising Arabic and Islamic scholarship in today’s digital age,” he stated.

“While remaining rooted in our authentic heritage, the Centre’s mission is to serve as a hub of advanced knowledge and cross-cultural exchange. We aim to revive, promote, and internationalise Arabic and Islamic scholarship through intensive language immersion programmes.”

Earlier in her address, the Chief Host and Vice-Chancellor, Professor Olayinka Ramota Kareem, noted that the university prides itself on integrating culture and faith in academic and community life.

“What we are witnessing today reflects our commitment to holistic development and our identity as a leading institution in Islamic culture and faith.”

[TheNation]

The Supreme Court will on Wednesday, May 14, hold a valedictory court session in honour of the late Justice Emmanuel Obioma Ogwuegbu, a Justice of the court who died in October last year.

The valedictory session will hold at the Main Courtroom of the Supreme Court by 2:00 pm and will be attended by the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, AGF, Prince Lateef Fagbemi, SAN.

A statement on Sunday by the Director of Information and Public Relations of the Court, Dr. Festus Akande, said the late judicial icon passed away peacefully in his sleep on 28th October, 2024, at the age of 91 years.

Justice Emmanuel Obioma Ogwuegbu was born on 16th March, 1933 in Amainyi, Ihitte-Uboma Local Government Area of Imo State.

He was appointed a judge of the High Court of Imo State in November 1976, and served as Administrative Judge, Owerri Judicial Division from 1976 to 1979.

He was deployed to Aba Judicial Division in the same capacity of Administrative Judge in 1980. He was elevated to the Court of Appeal in September 1987, and served in Ibadan and Lagos divisions.

Late Justice Ogwuegbu was subsequently appointed a Justice of the Supreme Court of Nigeria in April 1992.

In recognition of his contribution to the Nigerian judiciary, he was seconded by the Federal Government to serve on the Supreme Court bench of The Gambia, from December 1999 to 2002, before returning to the country to continue his service at the Supreme Court of Nigeria until his retirement on 16th March, 2003.

The Special Court Session will be presided over by the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Kudirat Kekere-Ekun, who will customarily pay tribute to the late Justice Ogwuegbu alongside other major stakeholders in the nation’s justice sector.

[DailyPost]

Last week, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) on Thursday confirmed that Nigeria had fully repaid the $3.4 billion COVID-19 financial support it got under the Rapid Financing Instrument (RFI). Although Nigeria’s principal balance stands at zero, but scheduled charges, including net charges, basic interest and administrative fees, amount to SDR 125.99 million. At the current exchange rate, this translates to approximately N275.28 billion.

It is pertinent to recall that in the wake of the COVID-19 in 2030, Nigeria requested emergency assistance of about US$3.4 billion—equivalent to 100 percent of its quota from the International Monetary Fund to shore up the country’s economy and help businesses weather the storm of a deadly pandemic that disrupted global markets and plunged the world into a recession.

At the meeting of the IMF Executive Board held on April 28, 2020, the financial support of $3.4 billion was approved to provide critical support to shore up Nigeria’s heath care sector, and shield jobs and businesses from the shock of the COVID-19 crisis. In particular, the loan was designed to help alleviate the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and the sharp fall in oil prices and also help limit the decline in international reserves.

Following the Executive Board’s discussion of Nigeria, Mr. Mitsuhiro Furusawa, Deputy Managing Director and Acting Chair, stated that, “The emergency financing under the RFI will provide much needed liquidity support to respond to the urgent BOP needs. Additional assistance from development partners will be required to support the government’s efforts and close the large financing gap. The implementation of proper governance arrangements—including through the publication and independent audit of crisis-mitigating spending and procurement processes—is crucial to ensure emergency funds are used for their intended purposes.”(emphasis ours)

Characteristically, the IMF Management which jointly manages the neocolonial economy of Nigeria with the Federal Government failed to ensure emergency funds were used "for their intended purposes."

However, a 2020 audit report by the Office of the Auditor-General of the Federation, released in January 2024, flagged several irregularities in the handling of the fund. The report stated that on April 30, 2020, $2.4 billion of the loan was transferred to the CBN’s account at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, while the remaining balance went to the CBN’s account at the Bank of China, Shanghai. The report further stated that by June 1, the $2.4 billion had been moved to the Bank for International Settlements (BIS) for short-term investments. The funds in China were similarly transferred to the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC).

These transactions, according to the audit, were not supported by documentation or approvals from the Federal Government or the CBN’s Investment Committee and that the funds were subsequently reclassified as part of the CBN’s external reserves rather than the Federal Government’s holdings. This reclassification, the report noted, allowed interest to be earned on the funds, contrary to the emergency spending purpose for which they were approved.

Furthermore, the report stated that on August 7, 2020, the Federal Ministry of Finance requested the monetisation of $700 million to support the 2020 federal budget. One week later, the CBN approved a debit of N265.65 billion, applying an exchange rate of N379.5/$, higher than the official N360.5/$ rate at the time. The funds were credited to three separate accounts: N252 billion to the COVID-19 Public Sector Account, N13.3 billion to the Forex Equalisation Account and N350 million to the Exchange Commission Account.

The audit noted that a 2% commission was deducted from the monetised amount, even though the funds were categorised as Federal Government property. At the end of 2020, an unmonetised balance of $2.7 billion — equivalent to approximately N1.02 trillion — remained unaccounted for, according to the Auditor-General’s report.

The report recommended that the CBN Governor should explain the movement and classification of the funds without proper authorisation. It also requested bank statements to confirm the unmonetised balance and demanded the recovery of N13.3 billion and N350 million into the Federal Government’s account. It further called for the remittance of all interest earned from the investments and warned that sanctions under relevant financial regulations would be applied if there was no accountability.

The Auditor-General wants the money recovered and remitted to the public treasury and for the evidence of remittance to be forwarded to the Public Accounts Committee of the National Assembly. The Auditor-General also recommends that anyone suspected to be involved should be ‘sanctioned and handed over to the EFCC and ICPC for investigation and prosecution, as provided for in paragraph 3112 of the Financial Regulations’.”

Even though the Auditor-General of the Federation submitted the 2020 Annual Report to to each House of the National Assembly, both Houses have failed to cause the report to be considered by the committees responsible for public accounts, in order to cover up the criminal diversion of the $3.4 IMF and several trillions of Naira set out in the Auditor-General's report, in utter contravention of section 85(5) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as amended.

In view of the foregoing, the Alliance on Surviving Covid-19 and Beyond (ASCAB) hereby calls on the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission to investigate the criminal diversion of the $3.4 billion loan obtained by Nigeria to fight the Covid-19 pandemic.

We also call on the IMF Board to probe the deliberate refusal of its Management to ensure that the emergency funds were :used for their intended purposes." Meanwhile, the IMF should suspend the collection of the scheduled charges, including net charges, basic interest and administrative fees, amounting to SDR 125.99 million (N275.28 billion) pending the conclusion of its investigation.

Femi Falana SAN

The Chair, Alliance on Surviving Covid-19 and Beyond (ASCAB)