Last week, the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, held its much anticipated 98th National Executive Committee, NEC, meeting in Abuja.

The meeting as expected was widely attended by prominent leaders of the party, including former Vice President and 2023 presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar and former Vice President, Namadi Sambo.

Also present in the NEC meeting were the state governors: Bala Mohammed (Bauchi State); Seyi Makinde (Oyo State), Ahmed Fintiri (Adamawa State), Ademola Adeleke (Osun State); Sim Fubara (Rivers State), Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, among others.

The NEC at the end of its meeting endorsed the Amb. Umar Damagum-led National Working Committee, NWC, of the party, giving him a fresh bill of health to continue acting in office till the next NEC.

The PDP National Publicity Secretary, Debo Ologunagba, who read the communiqué by NEC, said that the issue of the party leadership, which was the main bone of contention before the meeting, would be considered in August.

Debo said that the NEC tasked all organs, leaders, stakeholders and members of the PDP to close ranks and put aside their differences and work together to reposition and return the PDP to power.

“Our party emphasises the need for reconciliation and stability within the party at this time. Therefore, the issue of the National Chairman, Damagum, has been deferred to the next NEC meeting, which is tentatively scheduled for August 15th.

“NEC also approved the reconstitution of the Party Disciplinary and Reconciliation Committees to further ensure the stability of the party,” he said.

However, the development, DAILY POST gathered, signalled an indication that Wike would continue to maintain an upper hand in the leadership crisis plaguing the party, with Damagun remaining as the acting National Chairman. This is despite his estranged relationship with the PDP.

Prior to the NEC meeting, the issue of whether Damagum should maintain his position or be changed was the main point of discussion among PDP officials.

The discussion restored hostilities between the Atiku and the Wike camps.

Wike is currently serving as Minister of the Federal Capital Territory under the ruling All Progressives Congress, APC, despite his claim of still being a member of the PDP.

Speaking to DAILY POST, a Public Affairs Analyst and Communication Scholar at Peaceland University, Enugu, Nduka Odo, said the PDP was floundering not because Wike was too strong nor because of the strength of his tactics or manoeuvring.

According to him, Wike and others who press the neck of the PDP leadership, romance with the opposition, and attend NEC meetings with braggadocio were doing so because people have lost interest in the party.

Odo warned that if the PDP doesn’t put its house and acts in order, and atone for how it treated its strongholds, it may no longer exist at the national level in next election cycles.

He said: “People are getting it all wrong. What is happening is different from what most people and even the press described.

“I don’t see it as Wike having a strong grip on the PDP. For you to appreciate the situation properly, I want you to take a look at the forces that got the party where it is today.

“The party became blind to the sensitivities of its stronghold. The South-East has been the strongest base of the PDP. That’s followed by the South-South. When individual interests overrode party and national interest, the party hit rock bottom.

“The party thought it wise to give its presidential ticket to Atiku, a northern Fulani Muslim, to replace Buhari, a northern Fulani Muslim in a country that has been run based on alternations.

“Now, the party is floundering, not because Wike is too strong. He seems to have a strong grip on PDP leadership, not because of the strength of his tactics or manoeuvring.

“Wike or anyone is able to press the neck of the PDP leadership, romance with the opposition, and attend NEC meetings with bragadacio because people have lost interest in the party.

“Future is no longer associated with the party at the national level. That’s what happens when individual interest overshadows party or national interest. Is it not recently that Emeka Ihedioha resigned from the party?

“There is a reduced interest in the party at national level. So, Wike or anyone can run the party anyhow and nothing will happen.

“If the PDP doesn’t put its house and acts in order, and atone for how it treated its strongholds, the party may no longer exist at the national level in two election cycles. APC is out to swallow carrier politicians. Labour Party is out to sweep up the younger generations disillusioned by the others”.

Meanwhile, the PDP in a press statement on Tuesday, after an emergency meeting of its National Working Committee (NWC), said it has reviewed the issue of the Caretaker Committee of River State.

According to the statement, NWC resolved to intensify action in the continuing consultation to resolving the issues amicably in conjunction with the PDP Governors’ Forum.

Hon. Debo Ologunagba, PDP’s National Publicity Secretary, who made this known, said the NWC noted the existence of an ex parte order issued by the Federal High Court, Abuja, restraining it from further action with respect to the status of the Rivers State Caretaker Committee List as published.

He said the party organ also recognized the concerted intervention and efforts of various organs of the party, particularly the PDP Governors’ Forum to find a political solution to the crisis.

“However, while the Rivers State Caretaker Committee List as published stands in compliance with the Order of the Court, the NWC notes the concerted intervention and efforts of various Organs of the Party, particularly the PDP Governors’ Forum to finding a political solution to the issue of the River State Caretaker Committee,” he added.

Meanwhile, a chieftain of the All Progressives Congress, APC, Mr Osita Okechukwu has stated that “PDP’s blank communiqué with no mention of Wike’s masquerade signposts a sinking party.”

Okechukwu, who is the immediate past Director General of Voice of Nigeria, VON, told DAILY POST that the PDP instead of facing the realities in the party was busy heaping blame on hunger and insecurity in the land.

He said that “instead of careful introspection of its bleeding ailments and how to fix its troubled Wike’s Masquerade, imbibe the best tenets of internal democracy devoid of breach of the zoning convention, extant laws, planlessness and squandermania, the PDP arrogantly hauled unnecessary blame game on the APC.”

“My understanding is that PDP may not even recover in August after the ward, LGA, and State congresses and national convention, when they failed ab initio to embark on careful introspection to examine the root causes of Wike’s masquerade which led a party that boasted of 60 years uninterrupted reign to woeful failure in 2023 presidential election.

“Truly PDP needs soul searching to make amends, rather than sweeping its troubled faction under the carpet. The party must first clean the log in its eyes and learn that blame game is no solution provider, before playing an effective role as the main opposition party,” Okechukwu quipped.

He reminded the PDP that they not only agreed to remove fuel subsidy in the 2023 presidential election campaign, but were “the first to embrace neoliberalism, hence privatised both failed and lucrative State Owned Enterprises (SOE).”

He said the PDP cultivated the ground for Nigeria’s notorious World Poverty Capital status and palpable insecurity, by less than transparent sale of SOEs and squandermania of Oil Windfalls.

Okechukwu challenged the PDP “to name any SOE they privatised that succeeded as envisaged by neoliberals – all failed – NEPA, Ajaokuta Steel, Aluminum Smelter Company Akwa Ibom, NICON Insurance, Mambilla et al.

“PDP took sixteen years of planlessness and squandermania to sell our national assets, even legislators’ quarters, hence dislocated our socio-economic fabric, abandoned critical infrastructures and truncated our democracy.

“APC in the last nine years has been engaged in the Herculean task of reconstruction, rehabilitation and renewal under COVID-19 and poor oil revenue.”

[DailyPost]

“What we mean by restructuring is going back to the Independence Constitution which our leaders negotiated with the British between 1957 and 1959. It was on that basis that the three regions agreed to go to Independence as one united country. When the military came in 1966 and threw away the constitution, they did not only throw away the constitution but a political consensus negotiated and agreed by our leaders of the three regions. The regions used to be federating units, but in today’s Nigeria, they would now be called federal regions because states have been created in the regions. So, we are saying let us go back to that arrangement which all of us agreed at independence and not what Abacha imposed on us, which is very partial, unfair and one-sided. That is the meaning of restructuring; it is to restructure unfairness and give semi-autonomy to the federating units.”

That was Chief Olu Falae, a former Secretary to Babangida’s military government, giving historical context to our current crisis of nation building during a last week Arise TV programme in order to educate our uninformed youths and elders described by Senator Adams Oshiomhole as “mischief makers who are trying to twist, manipulate and politicize a patriotic request borne out of altruistic motivation” by pretending not to know the meaning of restructuring.

But Chief Olu Falae is not alone. For his fellow crusading patriots, the answer to our unresolved national question is a return to our 1954 structure, negotiated by our founding fathers ‘to promote the unity of Nigeria and protect the interest of diverse elements that make up the country’. Some of these credible voices include former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who has called for ‘less centralized, less suffocating and less dictatorial’ central government; the late Alhaji Balarabe Musa, former governor of Kaduna State who had called for ‘a return to regional arrangement, where each region can create states they can cater for, which would certainly reduce injustice and inequality among the people;’ and Emeka Anyaoku, the former Commonwealth Secretary-General who has also renewed his call for ‘a return to the regional structure practiced in the First Republic, with the country’s six regions forming the federating units.’ And for Gen. Alani Akinrinade, “anyone that wishes Nigeria well and wants our states to develop will join in the growing agitation to restructure the country;” while for Wole Soyinka, regarded by many as the conscience of the nation, “the basis of our association needed to be renegotiated if we are to prevent a disastrous disintegration.”

Our founding fathers, confronted with the challenges of a multinational Nigeria state, described by Obafemi Awolowo in 1947 as ‘a geographical expression’ and as ‘a British intension’ by Tafawa Balewa in 1948, resolved to make Nigeria home to every nationality within the greater Nigerian nation. Thus, when Action Group was formed in Owo April 25, 1951, the party’s motto was “United through federation, freedom for all, and life more abundant;” while the manifesto of NPC, inaugurated in Kaduna by Balewa, Ahmadu Bello and others in September 1951, focused on “regional autonomy within a united Nigeria ‘with “one north, one people, irrespective of region ethnic and religion”, as its slogan. Each dominant ethnic group managed its own affairs

They knew they didn’t have to invent the wheel since it had long been established that crisis of nation building in most multi-ethnic nations of the world is best addressed through a federal arrangement. Europe itself had after two devastating world wars resolved their crisis of nationhood by embracing federalism. And working in our founding fathers’ favour was the fact that despite the 1914 amalgamation designed for ease of administration, the long-term policy thrust of Britain was a Nigerian nation with a federal system where every group can develop at its own pace without interference from others.

The colonial powers challenged those who live in denial, claiming that “our cultural differences had been exaggerated by accident of colonial rule,” to look at themselves in the mirror to confirm if there were parallels “between the Hausa of Zaria and the Bantus people of the Benue Valley,’ the 200,000 Ogonis who escaped the tyranny of South African Chaka the Zulu, ‘the cannibals of the mama hill, the unsocial Mumuyes of Muri Province and of naked warriors of the inner eastern tropics,” all of who were at different levels of cultural development.

To underscore Britain’s commitment to her policy thrust, Hugh Clifford, the then Governor General of Nigeria in an address to the Nigerian Council on December 29 1920, asserted that the British policy was to support ‘the local tribal institutions and the indigenous forms of government based on the ‘social institutions which have been evolved for it by wisdom and by the accumulated experiences of generations of its forbearers,’ adding that “if suddenly the impossible were feasible’, that those separated by difference of history, traditions, social, political and religious barriers were indeed capable of being welded into a single homogenous nation’, it would be a disservice to the concept of national government which secures to each separate people the right to maintain its identity, its individuality and its nationality.”

But rather than prove Oliver Stanley  who  while speaking before foreign policy association in New York City on January 19, 1945 had said that “it is the British presence alone which prevents a disastrous disintegration and British withdrawal today would mean for millions a descent from nascent nationhood into the turmoil of warring sects” wrong,  the new inheritors of power confirmed his fears when they threw the West into a political turmoil with its attendant violence, deaths and loss of properties” following their imposition of  a leader on the west in breach of the constitution in 1962.  And ‘to cut Awolowo to size’, according to Trevor Richard, they created Mid-west out of West while suppressing the self-actualization quest of 11 national groups made up of 3.2 million Efik/Ibibio/Annang, 700,000 strong Ijaws, 220,000 Ogonis and 8.000 Ngenis and others totaling 5.3 million (1963 census) in the COR areas of the Eastern Region.

Ironically, Nigerians got better deal from the colonial masters than the successive military regimes who have since 1966 done everything including plunging the nation into an avoidable civil war except addressing the core issue of crisis of nationhood- which is about how our multiethnic, multi-cultural and multi religious society can live together in harmony. Their efforts like those of their ‘new breed’ politicians to resolve the national question through constitutional negotiations like statesmen turned out to have been driven by greed and intrigue.

General Ironsi’s 21st Feb 1966 Study Group on Constitutional Review was sabotaged by his own unitary Decree 34 of 24th May 1966, just as Gowon’s Ad-hoc Group to work on Constitutional Proposal was overtaken by outbreak of riot in the north. Murtala Muhammed’s Constitution Drafting Committee’s report (CDC) of 18th October, 1975 into which Obasanjo added 17 different items, was according to Rotimi Williams and Nwabueze, who regretted their role in building a federal “leviathan” inferred they merely did the bidding of the military.

The 1999 constitution known as Abdulsalami Abubakar’s ‘Decree 24’, never debated by anyone was the sum total of Babangida’s 1989 and the largely boycotted Abacha’s 1995 constitutional conference. While Obasanjo’s own National Political Reform Conference (NPRC) of February 2005 was marred ‘tenure-elongation’ concerns, Jonathan’s 2014 CONFAB was thought to be an after-thought to seek support of Southwest, the region that was in the forefront of the struggle for restructuring.

For Olu Falae and other concerned Nigerian stakeholders, our journey to nationhood must start with enthronement of justice, which is best assured with restructuring of the country in line with the dreams of our founding fathers and the 1920 British stated policy thrust.

Since the arrest of another Nigerian socialite, Pascal Okechukwu (aka Cubana Chef Priest), I have come across jejune assertions justifying the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission’s pursuit of those spraying naira at parties. While reading comments made by a random commenter on social media but unsupported with sensible evidence is one thing, it is another entirely when the illogic becomes the subject of a newspaper editorial. We must be careful not to contort logic because we want to justify the abuse of power by an organisation like the EFCC that hardly boasts a significant record of conviction against perpetrators of massive heists but wants to convince us that naira spraying is where the problem lies. If the EFCC’s move against those charged to court for abusing the naira is truly about the naira and not a mere pursuit of vendetta against select individuals, the CBN Act 2007 would have long netted traditional rulers, politicians, popular juju/fuji musicians, and even Afrobeat artistes. We all know the reason the EFCC will not dare.

The campaign against naira abuse has subsisted for decades but selecting individuals for prosecution based on what they do at parties/events is a new development. Maybe, the madcap is due to the EFCC’s new sheriff or a newfangled zeal to remain relevant since the prosecution of actual thieves is impossible for them. Naira spraying, a practice associated with faaji-loving Yorubas, has existed for decades and is now appropriated by other ethnic groups in the country.

Money spraying has given rise to a mini-industry of buying and selling crisp and clean notes at party sites, an enterprise that must irk a joyless organisation like the EFCC. It is interesting that party sites are about the only place you are guaranteed to ever see crisp notes in Nigeria. I have been to several countries but Nigeria is about the only place where the dirtiest and the most diseased currency notes circulate. Even banks unembarrassedly hand you piles of dirty and shrunk notes that should have been shredded five years ago! Unless you are connected to someone high up who can help you procure clean crisp notes, it is virtually impossible to get them in Nigeria. It is at those party sites that ordinary folks get to sight and buy them to spray; such is the nature of our cultural attitude to ostentatious displays of joy. Unfortunately, it is also that very joy that the EFCC has sneakily come to steal, to kill and to destroy with their sudden clampdown.

First, a major reason the naira notes get so easily mutilated is that our economy is heavily cash-dependent. The practices that Section 21 of the Central Bank of the Nigeria Act of 2007 identifies as naira abuse—and for which punishments are prescribed—only marginally contribute to the problem of the shortened life of the notes. The Act stipulates activities such as spraying at events and dancing or stumping on naira notes; writing, stapling, and tearing banknotes; defacing, selling, and mutilating, as examples of naira abuse but all of the above barely culminate in the diseased condition of the notes in circulations. Money is too scarce in Nigeria for anyone to mutilate it like that. What is far more responsible for the limited life of naira notes is their heavy usage. How?

Nigeria has a high percentage of what they call the “unbanked population.” That is, a section of people who do not have an account with a financial institution nor are connected to the grid of mobile monetary payment systems anywhere. Consequently, we transact in cash a lot, which puts a heavy strain on our naira notes. In 2022, a report put Nigeria as one of the seven countries that comprise half the world’s unbanked population. That is a lot of people who do not use the electronic systems of banking that have reduced the demand for physical notes in other countries. The factors that have helped advanced economies to achieve cashlessness—that is, ready availability and reliability of digital payment systems and infrastructure—are still largely missing in Nigeria. Without knowing Nigeria’s population, we can only guess that those who use cash in daily transactions run into millions.

Meanwhile, much of what also constitutes our economy is classified as “informal,” meaning a bulk of transactions we carry out daily pass beneath the radar of what is formally accounted for by institutions. Our daily habits do not help the condition of the naira either. How many Nigerians use wallets to store their cash? In marketplaces, people squeeze naira notes before tucking them in their waist bags and aprons. Those are the daily activities that strain the naira. Was the whole idea behind changing the material used to produce the smaller denominations of the naira to polymer to reduce the strain of the heavy usage of those notes?

While it is easy—and cheap, in fact—to blame naira spraying at parties for the poor condition of the physical notes, nobody has established a reasonable connection between the two. What does naira spraying have to do with the ultimate condition of diseased naira notes? Nobody can say for a fact that the dirty naira notes that circulate in the country came about because they were sprayed at parties. Yes, people spray money at parties, but most of those gatherings also mop up the money immediately! The naira notes that people take home after concluding their celebrations usually retain their newness and crispness, so what is anyone talking about?

Second, while there is no denying that there has been a significant decrease in our unbanked population due to the 2022/2023 naira redesign policy, overall, there is still too little physical cash in circulation. The naira redesign policy that the former administration introduced to reduce the overreliance of our economy on cash and encourage us to adopt digital alternatives sapped Nigerians of naira. For a country already heavily dependent on cash, withdrawing more than two trillion from circulation was an unmitigated disaster. Around this time last year, one of the major conspiracy allegations surrounding the general elections was how the country was being starved of naira notes to reduce the electoral chances of a political candidate whom everyone knew was going to hand out cash to bribe prospective voters. The election has long been over. The candidate they allegedly conspired against won, but the problem of the paucity of cash in circulation has hardly improved.

Our leaders must stop pursuing frivolities and focus on abstract solutions to our economic problems. Nigeria is not the only country where people spray money. In the United States, they throw cash at strip dancers who tuck the cash in their G-strings. The Federal Bureau of Investigation never pursues people like that because they know that that is not where the strength of the dollar lies. What makes the dollar the dollar is not the piece of paper they printed a few symbols on; the dollar is the dollar because the US is the US. When Nigerians throw a party in Europe, they procure $1 bills to spray at parties. You will never hear the US barking at anyone in the name of defending its currency.

Our currency is frequently defended with all kinds of tactics, yet its value hardly appreciates. When it does, the gains are not sustained. From arresting Bureau De Change operators to Binance officials, Nigeria uses too much physical force—rather than informed technical knowledge—to supposedly advocate its currency. Where does it ever get us? Our leaders do not seem to know how to make naira great, and that is why they resort to gimmicks such as arresting people for spraying naira at social events.

The founder of Woodhall Capital, Mojisola Hunponu-Wusu, has disclosed that despite being married for 20 years she has never cooked in her home.

In a conversation with Ifedayo Agoro on ‘The Diary Of A Naija Girl” podcast, Hunponu-Wusu explained that though she would have loved to cook and do other chores, she never had that time.

” I don’t get to cook. I would have loved to get more time; not even for cooking but for other things across the family. So, I’m not even zooming in on cooking…

” I love and admire women who have the time but I’m through to the path God has set me and that is the entrepreneurial path,” she said.

When asked if her husband was bothered, she responded that cooking might not be his love language.

Hunponu-Wusu’s revelation has again brought to the fore conversation about the roles of a woman in the home.

Though it is believed that, these days, men should compliment their wives in kitchen duties, a popular Nigerian chef Hilda Effiong Bassey, aka Hilda Baci, recently declared that she wouldn’t date or marry a man who knows how to cook.

According to the former Guinness World Record holder,  she loves cooking and would not want a man who will outshine her in the kitchen.

“I don’t want a man that knows how to cook. I don’t want it. I like cooking so much. My friends would tell you like Hilda would show you love, she will send you food. You will cook for you. That’s kind of one of the things I like to do for people that I care about, especially for my man.

“You can wake me up in the middle of the night and say, ‘Babe, I want a doughnut. I want meat pie.’ And I’m flying to the kitchen to make it for you. That’s my thing. I want a man that can order me food. If you don’t have a problem with ordering me food, I’m in love,” Baci said in a viral podcast video that made the rounds on X (formerly Twitter).

[Punch]

The E54 Bridge of Murtala Muhammed International Airport Terminal One suffered a fire outbreak in the early hours of this morning.

Smoke was detected billowing from the E54 Bridge, leading electrical engineers to immediately cut off power to the airport’s E Wing.

A statement by the Director of Public Affairs and Consumer Protection, Federal Airports Authority, FAAN, Mrs Obiageli Orah Director, said that although the fire was brought under control at 06:41 am, all flight operations in Terminal 1 of MMA have been diverted to the D Wing.

The statement reads: “At 05:29 hrs, smoke was detected billowing from the E54 Bridge, leading electrical engineers to immediately cut off power to the entire E Wing. The Airport Rescue and Firefighting Services (ARFFS) team was quick to respond, arriving at the scene by 05:30 hrs. Initial suspicions point to sparks from an electrical unit as the cause, but a thorough investigation is ongoing to ascertain the cause of the fire.

“The incident, which had escalated into a fire, was brought under control by 06:41 hrs. Efforts to ventilate the smoke from the building are in progress.

In the meantime, all flight operations in Terminal 1 of MMA have been diverted to the D Wing. More details will follow shortly.”

[Vanguard]

Senate President Godswill Akpabio has called for the reform of a rule which requires the need for obtaining the consent of attorney-general of the federation (AGF) before executing judgments against the federal government.

Akpabio spoke in Abuja on Wednesday at the national summit on justice.

The senate president said the burden placed on a judgment creditor to obtain the consent of the AGF before a monetary judgment can be enforced against the federal government often acts as a bottleneck, delaying justice and undermining the autonomy of the judicial system.

“In our view, to enhance efficiency while maintaining necessary checks, we propose replacing the requirement for the attorney general’s consent with a mandatory notification system,” he said.

“Upon receiving a judgment against the government, the relevant authorities will notify the attorney-general immediately in writing.

“Following the notification, the attorney-general will have a specified period, say 30 days, to respond. The response could involve initiating an appeal or settling the matter directly. This timeline ensures prompt action and prevents undue delays in justice delivery.

“If there is no response from the attorney general within this period, the judgment will be executed automatically.

“This measure is crucial to prevent stalling and ensure that judgments are respected and enforced promptly. In cases where the decision comes from a final court, the option to appeal is not available.

“Therefore, the attorney-general’s response would be primarily directed towards settlement. This approach ensures that the government acts responsibly as a litigant and respects the decisions of our highest court in the land.”

The senate president also called for urgent reform in the approach of interlocutory appeals in civil cases. 

“Currently, these appeals often cause unnecessary delays, prolonging litigation and burdening our courts,” he said.

“As was done in the criminal jurisprudence during the enactment of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act 2015, we propose that all appeals in civil cases should be taken only after the conclusion of the substantive case. 

“This change will accelerate judicial processes, reduce backlog, and ensure that litigations are not unduly prolonged by intermediate appeals,” he added.

Another area Akpabio sought reform is the misuse of ex parte orders in political cases by judges.  

To curb the situation, he said the National Judicial Council (NJC) must exercise stringent oversight and impose decisive punishment for judges who are found to have abused their authority in the discharge of their duties.

President Bola Tinubu who was represented at the event by Vice-President Kashim Shettima urged the judiciary to align its activities with the tenets of his administration’s renewed hope agenda, particularly as they relate “to the priorities on inclusivity, fairness, rule of law, and anti-corruption stance, among other things”. 

 [TheCable]

It doesn’t surprise me that the former Governor of Kogi State, Yahaya Bello, is now a fugitive from the law. Any discerning person would know that the man who bullied the people of his state for eight years is simply a coward. Four years ago, I wrote the following words after Bello was re-elected for his second and final term in office. “While the body bags are still being counted in Kogi State, with fresh killings even after the results have been declared, Yahaya Bello is back as I predicted,” I stated in the opening paragraph to my November 2019 column, following his re-election marred by several killings. “I watched him (Bello) on television yesterday and he couldn’t even spare a word to condole the families of those who died. So, to the people of Kogi who will have to endure another four years of purposeless government, please accept my commiserations.” 

An Association of National Accountants of Nigeria (ANAN)-certified accountant, Bello worked with the Revenue Mobilization Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC) from 2001 (after his mandatory NYSC) until he retired into transport business and politics. He joined the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) of Muhammadu Buhari, who would later become president. Elected governor in November 2015 without even being on the ballot (he inherited the votes of Abubakar Audu who died before the results could be announced), one would expect Bello to be humble. But for eight years, he behaved as though he was above the law. In fact, he saw himself as the law. He repeatedly told appointees that in his own dictionary, ‘loyalty comes before efficiency’.

Under Bello’s stewardship, every election in Kogi State was like war. In a video that went viral before the 2019 gubernatorial election, Bello’s female supporters were threatening his opponents with gunshots. Ahead of the 2023 election, there was another trending video of Bello where he said: “I will personally light a fierce fire in my hand. Whoever want it, we shall use it to burn them, whoever survives it will thank God… Whoever is against us, we will make him or her (to) join my mother and lie with her (my mother) in the grave.” By that video, according to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) spokesman, Debo Ologunagba, Bello revealed himself. “From his outburst, Nigerians now know the individuals who engineered the gruesome killing of many of our citizens including the PDP Woman Leader in Kogi State, Mrs. Salome Abu, who was burnt alive in her house in 2019. Also, Nigerians now have more insight into the disappearance of Hon. Adelabu Musa, the PDP Chairman in Okene Local Government Area for over three years now,” Ologundana said in a statement released at the time.

Ordinarily, the impeachment process is guided by unambiguous laws as to how it could be prosecuted. But not in Kogi under the ‘White Lion’ who held the three arms of government in his firm grip. On 20 October 2019, Bello illegally terminated the tenure of his deputy, Simon Achuna, using his cronies in the State House of Assembly and a compromised judiciary. The then Chief Judge of Kogi State, late Justice Nasir Ajanah, empanelled an impeachment committee in line with section 108 of the 1999 constitution (as amended) to investigate allegations against Achuna by lawmakers. The committee reported back that there were no verifiable grounds for impeachment and consequently returned a verdict of not guilty. At Bello’s insistence, the same Justice Ajanah, whose panel acquitted Achuna of any misconduct, performed the swearing in of David Edward Onoja (to replace Achuna) as Deputy Governor!

For eight years, Bello projected the image of a tough guy, apparently because he misunderstood the real meaning of power. Acting under a purported resolution by the State House of Assembly in October 2022, the former governor deployed armed thugs to seal the Dangote Cement Plc in Obajana. He claimed that Kogi State owns the plant and resorted to self-help in what appeared a not-so-subtle attempt at a shakedown. After much damage had been done, the company was reopened following the intervention of the federal government.

The litany of misdeeds by Bello, who combined hubris with narcissism, is quite extensive. During the Covid-19 pandemic that led to a lockdown in most countries across the world, including Nigeria, the former governor insisted there was no such health challenge in Kogi State. When Justice Ajanah died at the Gwagwalada COVID-19 Isolation Centre in Abuja and had to be buried at Gudu cemetery in compliance with the COVID-19 burial protocol set by the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control (NCDC), Bello was livid. He said the Kogi Chief Judge died of natural causes, and not of anything else as is “being insinuated by certain persons for political and mischief purposes”, while describing Covid-19 as a ‘hoax’.

Meanwhile, Bello has a criminal case with the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) regarding double registration in both the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) and Kogi State. “Following reports of the alleged double registration by the governor of Kogi State in the on-going Continuous Voter Registration (CVR) exercise, the commission set up a panel of investigation into the involvement of staff in the matter. The initial report submitted by the panel was referred to the Appointment, Promotion and Disciplinary Committee, which made recommendations to the commission,” the INEC National Commissioner & Member, Information and Voter Education Committee, Mrs. May Agbamuche-Mbu, announced on 14 December 2017. “While the governor of Kogi State currently enjoys immunity from prosecution, the commission took the following decisions in respect of its own staff: Summary dismissal of two staff for acts of gross misconduct, immediate and compulsory retirement of an electoral officer for acts of gross misconduct.”

So serious was the matter that on 28 February 2018, the Senate mandated its Committee on INEC to investigate. “The governor of Kogi was involved in double voter registration and weeks after, INEC confirmed that by sacking three of its staff,” Senator Mohammed Hassan said in a motion that was unanimously adopted. “It was reported that he (Bello) was issued another Temporary Voter Card (TVC) at his Okene ward.” Then Senate President, Bukola Saraki, explained the gravity of the matter: “The issue you are talking about is one that is important because the stability of our democracy depends on the credibility of our electoral process. It is something the INEC committee should investigate and report back to the Senate.” Despite the indictment, Bello claimed that if anybody was engaged in double registration, it must have been his ghost. Now that he no longer enjoys immunity from prosecution, the law must find that ‘ghost’ and hold him to account. 

Readers may argue that the foregoing has nothing to do with Yahaya Bello’s case with the EFCC. That is true. I am just not interested in that drama of corruption. As I have always reiterated on this page, fighting corruption requires proper investigation that will lead to trials and convictions. It’s not about telling tales in the public. In the instant case of Bello, the only evidence of corruption that is credible is the one presented in a court of law. Not at press conferences. In November 2017, then Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Walter Onnoghen, established the Corruption and Financial Crimes Cases Monitoring Committee (COTRIMCO). In its report, the committee said of the EFCC: “Offenders are charged to court before proper investigations of the charges are done, and afterwards, expecting the court to detain such alleged offenders till conclusion of their investigations”.   

I am aware that the former governor and his nephew, Ali Bello (currently the Chief of Staff to the incumbent Governor Usman Ododo) and two other accomplishes are being accused of laundering a total sum of N80,246,470,088.88, belonging to Kogi State. The allegations may well be true. But he will not be the first governor to be so charged. A former governor of Zamfara State, Bello Matawalle (around whom EFCC staged a similar drama last year) is now a member of the federal executive council! So, this intervention is not about how Bello fiddled with the resources of Kogi State and his hide-and-seek game with the EFCC. It is about the perils of power for politicians who behave as though there is no tomorrow. The question that arises is, why do the Yahaya Bellos of this world thrive in our political system?

Since early last year, I have been working on a book regarding 25 years of unbroken democracy in Nigeria. Despite my best efforts, it is not likely to be out till the end of this year or early 2025. The reckless abuse of power is one of the issues I am interrogating since those who abuse power have no qualms about looting public funds. We must wonder why a constitutional republic continues breeding so many rudderless apprentice emperors who rule with impunity, fiddle with public funds, violate the rights of the very citizens they were elected to govern, and literally run amok with power. 

But it is not all negative. The strength of our system lies in the chilling lesson that after the wildness of uncontrolled power comes a return to sanity when the cloak of absolute immunity yields place to the cold reality of common ordinariness. By his action, Yahaya Bello has suddenly come to terms with the full implications of that reality. What he has failed to understand is that he cannot continue to deploy the services of his successor, Usman Ododo, to shield himself. I am sure there is an expiry date to that relationship between the godfather and his godson as we have seen in numerous states over the years. 

Overall, I fail to understand why Bello is on the run. If he is well advised, he could surrender himself to EFCC followed by drummers with his ‘Ta ta ta’ female supporters as cheerleaders. With enough resources to hire as many Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SANs) as he wants, I am sure Bello would spend not more than a few days in Kuje before he walks free. A ‘Lion’ (white or black) should not regress into the rascality of behaving like a weather-beaten chicken in a bid to frustrate the law and evade accountability.

 A Worthy Example for Yoruba Obas

The ten-minute BBC Yoruba interview with a former United States-based wrestling legend, who is now Oba James Oladipo Buremoh, Aroko Ola Ajagungbade 1, the king of Idera community in Kwara State, has continued to generate considerable interest. In the video clip, the man renowned in the past as ‘Ladi the African Tiger’, told the story of his emergence as king, and the initial pact with his people which included allowing him to spend six months annually working in the United States and returning home to spend six months. Working for a tour firm as a bus driver as revealed in his interview with the American National Broadcasting Company (NBC) displeased some Nigerians who felt that he was denigrating the traditional institution. “At this point, Safiu Olaniyan, the Nigerian Consul in the United States had to douse the tension by letting everyone to understand that there’s dignity in labour,” he recollected.

For someone who spent most of his early life in the United States, it is remarkable that Oba Buremoh (who in 1978 defeated American Mike Hayes for a World Wrestling title) speaks impeccable Yoruba. The traditional ruler said as of the time he ascended the throne in 2003, only one of his children had completed secondary school and he had to train them without depending on government or anybody. So, he opted to continue working in the United States while ploughing his savings back home. Let me take some of the story from the traditional ruler: “You can ask my children. They know I don’t buy clothes. I don’t buy anything for myself. I prefer to lack than to see people around me in dire need and suffering. Whatever money I made abroad, I was bringing home to spend on my family and Idera community. In the past, kings were seen as the lord and master. Nowadays, I think they should be seen as servants instead.”

The Oba, who returned home fully in 2019, continued: “That is the way I see myself. I am a servant and I say this all the time to my people in Idera community. Instead of directing or forcing people to take up a task during any community work, I always lead from the front. I remember the day we were building our primary school. It was a joint project with the government. I personally paid our own share of the counterpart funding while the government paid the rest. On the day of the foundation laying ceremony, I was the first to start work at the site. The chiefs tried to prevail on me not to join them in working but I declined. Like a labourer, I picked up a digger and I participated fully from the beginning to the end. Whenever I start any work in the community, nobody would sit down while I was working. This way, we have been moving together in the community over the years with a strong conviction that there’s a clear difference between a boss and a leader. A boss demands respect while a leader earns it.”

In the BBC clip, the royal father could indeed be seen in a t-shirt and denim shorts, working with other men within his community. For me, he is a worthy example of what any leader, especially any traditional ruler, should be. Unfortunately, in Yorubaland today, most of the people being elevated to the throne believe it is all about overdressing in some gaudy apparels and gallivanting all over the place rather than serving their people. Many also do not have other means of livelihood and do not present themselves publicly as worthy examples. That was not the way it was in the past when we had a Timi in Ede, Oba John Adetoyese Laoye, who was not only a drummer-king, dancer, and cultural icon but also globally renowned for his craft even as a traditional ruler. 

At age 78 in 2012, the Awujale of Ijebuland, Oba Sikiru Adetona—who will be 90 next month and has been on the throne for the past 64 years—enrolled to study Law at the National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN). “Age cannot be a barrier to learning for me. It is what I desire and I assure all of you that I will study very well and come out of the university in record time without fail,” the Awujale said at the time while joining 200 other students at NOUN’s Awa Community Study Centre, in Ijebu North Local Government area of Ogun State. With that, the revered Ọgbagba Agbotewole II, an accountant, sent a strong message to his people on the importance of education.

Let me say here that there are many traditional rulers in Yorubaland today who are worthy of their thrones. Recently, there was a trending video of Oba Oyewole Oyediran playing the organ and conducting a choir of the Cathedral Church of St Paul, in his Sagamu town, Ogun State. That is a royal father indeed! And many Nigerians know that even as the Orangun of Oke-Ila, Oba Adedokun Abolarin still pursues his passion for education to the benefit of his people. Unfortunately, this class of traditional rulers is not in the majority, hence the need for soul-searching. Being a traditional ruler is a high calling. I am delighted that Oba James Oladipo Buremoh recognises that.

To the Aroko Ola Ajagungbade 1, ki ade pe l’ori, ki bata pe l’ese o!

While most Nigerians followed the OPL 245 trial at the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja Division, via media reports, I was in court at every sitting — except if I was not in town. As a legal practitioner myself, I took keen interest in every detail of the proceedings. I took notes from when proceedings started in 2020 till when the ruling was delivered in 2024. I listened to the testimonies of the 10 witnesses presented by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). I listened to the submissions of the commission’s legal counsel.

That the case ended the way it did was inevitable. That Justice Abubakar Idris Kutigi upheld the no case submissions of the seven defendants, discharging and acquitting them, was just the fitting end to a show trial that was clearly lacking in substance and targeted at convicting one person: Mr Mohammed Bello Adoke SAN, the former Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) and Minister of Justice. No competent and conscientious judge would have ruled otherwise.

For all the drama, none of the prosecution witnesses mentioned the name of Adoke, the first defendant, regarding committing any infraction during the entire proceedings. Adoke was charged regarding the OPL 245 Settlement for “disobeying the direction of the law with intent to cause injury”, “disobeying the direction of the tax laws”, and “collecting gratification of N300m” from the second defendant, Aliyu Abubakar. Most of the witnesses only said they knew Adoke as former AGF and had no dealings with him.

The only witness who mentioned Adoke’s name was Mr Ibrahim Ahmed, the police investigation officer. He ended up contradicting himself on the source of the N300m which had been charged as gratification. Before Justice Kutigi, Ahmed said it was a bribe from the OPL 245 resolution. Before Justice Inyang Ekwo of the Federal High Court sitting in Abuja, he said it was a mortgage Adoke took from Unity Bank. That effectively killed the allegation. That the EFCC filed two different proceedings using the same particulars but making contradictory claims was fatal to their cases, as both courts ruled.

I need to make full disclosure at this point: I know Adoke very well. Having worked with him for over 10 years, I can testify at gunpoint that he did not break any law or dirty his hands in the OPL 245 Settlement of 2011. He did not need to tell me that he did not collect a bribe: I knew he didn’t; I knew he wouldn’t. That would go contrary to everything he stood, and still stands, for. I knew, and still know him, as a man of integrity. He always warned us, his proteges and subordinates, to avoid greed and corruption. He did everything possible within his financial means to make us comfortable so that we would be able to work honestly and think straight in all our dealings. I say this with every ounce of honesty in me.

When he was the AGF and Minister of Justice from 2010 to 2015, I saw him turn down gratifications running into billions of naira and millions of dollars. I saw him do favours for governors, ministers and business people without as much as collecting a cup of tea from them, much less material benefits. He always told them he was only doing his job. I saw him help people get paid judgment debts running into billions while turning down offers of “thank you”. These are the people that should have stood by him during his travails but they ran away for the fear of EFCC. For someone who turned down $20m from an oil magnate in 2011, there was no way in this world I would believe he collected the equivalent of $2m from the OPL 245 Settlement. It does not make any sense. In fact, Mr Vincenzo Armanna, a former manager of Eni/Agip, testified before the Court of Milan during the trial of Shell and Others that Adoke threatened to jail him and others for discussing kickbacks in the OPL 245 deal. That is the Adoke I know. That is the Adoke that became my role model early in life.

When the Federal Government, under former President Muhammadu Buhari, decided to impugn the sanctity of the OPL 245 Settlement, picking on Adoke as the scapegoat by accusing him of all sorts, it was not Adoke that was on trial. It was Nigeria that was on trial. It was the way Nigeria rewards its patriots that was on trial. As all the court documents show, it was former President Olusegun Obasanjo who revoked OPL 245 from Malabu Oil in 2001 that decided to restore the oil block to Malabu Oil in 2006 after a series of litigation leading to an out-of-court settlement. All Adoke did in 2010 was to advise former President Goodluck Jonathan to respect and implement the legally binding Consent Judgment. That was what led to the final resolution of the OPL 245 dispute that had lingered for a decade. Adoke was put on trial for stirring Nigeria in the direction of the rule of law.

In the Court of Milan, Italy, and the Commercial Court of England and Wales, it was Nigeria, not Adoke, that was on trial. Lawyers after lawyers and witnesses after witnesses spoke, most of them exonerating Adoke. But the EFCC collaborated with the Italian prosecutors to accuse Adoke of collecting a bribe of N300m, all in an attempt to stain the OPL 245 Settlement and get the oil companies convicted for international corruption and, in the imagination of some people, get them to pay for OPL 245 a second time. The Italian judges commended Adoke for the role he played in settling the OPL 245 dispute and said rather than being an accomplice with Chief Dan Etete, the beneficial owner of Malabu Oil, Adoke actually threatened him to either take the deal or the Federal Government would be forced to pull out of the resolution. That was the act of a patriot. In the UK, the judge dismissed all allegations against Adoke and said there was no evidence of fraud, or any proof that Nigeria was shortchanged.

Nigeria tried to throw Adoke, an innocent man, under the bus. Nigeria put Adoke on trial across the world hoping to disgrace and destroy him for the rest of his life in order to exact a price from the oil companies as well as compensate those who wanted a pound of flesh. Those behind the plot succeeded for over eight years, threatening him and chasing him out of his fatherland. But it was Nigeria that was on trial in the end, losing all the cases and wasting millions of dollars home and away. Those behind the wild goose chase should face the music for misleading the country and wasting precious time and resources. But I know I am asking for too much. Nevertheless, Adoke has been vindicated and he will be back on his feet again. As it is said, it is better for a man to fall and rise again than to stand hopelessly forever.

Audu, a legal practitioner, lives in Abuja.

Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State has declared that he has broken the jink of ‘who is your father’ in the political space of the state.

Makinde made this declaration on Wednesday at Students’ Legislative Summit organised by the Speaker of Oyo State House of Assembly and chairman, Conference of Speakers of State Legislatures of Nigeria, Honourable Adebo Ogundoyin, in conjunction with the Students’ Representative Council, University of Ibadan.

Some of the dignitaries at the event included the Minister of State for Youth, Ayodele Olawande, a former President of the Senate, Bukola Saraki, who was represented and Speakers of Osun and Ekiti State Houses of Assembly.

The governor, while speaking, declared that there was a time when ‘who is your father’ was the order of the day in the political space of the state.

He, however, said that he has been able to break that.

Makinde, while speaking further, said that his father was a ‘nobody’ and the Oyo State people still gave him the opportunity to lead.

The governor also declared that Nigerian youths must become more actively involved in governance by increasing their participation.

Makinde said that the issue of leadership is imperative in preparing the youth for the future and governance.

“For us here, we have seen the common situation where ‘who is your father’ was the order of the day but we have been able to break that in Oyo State. My father was a ‘nobody’ and the Oyo State people still gave me the opportunity to lead.

“We may not be able to prepare the future for the youth, but we can prepare the youth for the future. Please, don’t see this event as just an opportunity to look at the issue of leadership in this country. And, in me, Seyi Makinde, the youth have an ally and we will prepare the leaders of the next generation amongst the youth.

“I am here this afternoon to encourage the youth. If you look at the history of Nigeria, we had our independence in 1960 and six years after, in 1966, the person that became the Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon, was 31 years and some months old. After him, during the Second Republic, former President Obasanjo retired as a General at the age of 39.

“You should dream big; people have ruled this country at very tender ages. So, for you, don’t think that at 29 or 30, you are too young to rule and I am glad, because this is almost like catching them early.

“You have the students here and in about three years, some of you will be out there to move on. If I were you, I wouldn’t start looking for work; I would start doing my own thing at a very early age of 24 or 25. With the kind of energy you still have, you can pull down the kingdom of Satan.”

[DailyPost]